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HIS CHRONICLE OF THE GORMAN CONQUEST 



FROM THE 



ftoman tie 3Hou 

TRANSLATED WITH NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS 
BY EDGAR TAYLOR ESQ. F.S.A. 




LONDON 

WILLIAM PICKERING 

1837 




C. WHITTINinUM, TOOKS COURT, OHANCBRT I. AM:. 



F 



n 







I VINT EI VIEL HUE DE GOBNAI, 

ENSEMEE O LI SA GENT OE BHAI. 

PAGE 217. 



TO HUDSON GURNEY, ESQ. 

THIS CHRONICLE OF THE NORMAN CONQUEST 

IS DEDICATED, IN TESTIMONY OF THE 

TRANSLATOR'S RESPECT 

AND REGARD. 



CONTENTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Introduction xv 

Illustrations — Frontispiece, the oath administered to 
Harold ; from the Bayeux Tapestry. Title page vig- 
nette, including a coin of William, from Ruding, vol. iv. 
Dedication vignette, a group after the Bayeux Tapestry.* 
Map of Normandy. Initial letter to introduction, from 
the Battle ahbey chronicle, p. xv. The Tapestry roll, as 
preserved at Bayeux, p. xxix. 

PROLOGUE. 

CONCERNING THE AUTHOR OF THIS BOOK, SETTING FORTH HIS 
INTENT AND DEGREE .- 1 

Illustrations — Baptism of Rollo, from the Museum MS. 
of Benoit Sainte-More, to face p. 1. Initial letter, from 
the MS. of William of Jumieges in the library at Rouen, 
p. 1. Norman soldiers, from a capital in the chapel of 
Norwich castle, p. 6. [These may be compared with the 
two knights opposite, (p. 7,) from Bocherville.] 

CHAPTER I. 

HOW WILLIAM BECAME DUKE; ANDHOWHIS BARONS REVOLTED 
AGAINST HIM 7 

Illustrations — Norman knights, from a capital in the 
church of St. Georges de Bocherville, p. 7. Two nor- 
man messengers ; from the Bayeux Tapestry, p. 16. 



* A shield of pure sable is appended to the principal figure, 
with full notice of our liability, on that account, to the charge of 
heraldic anachronism. Waving any defence on the scientific point, 
we merely observe that when Wace tells us of' escuz painz de plu- 
sors guises,' it may safely be presumed that there was at least one of 
sable hue ; and that our fancy may not be considered as running 
very wild, if it presumes that the lord of the Marches was wont so 
to distinguish himself; and if it connects the subsequent use of so 
simple an heraldic bearing by the norman Gornais, with its previous 
use as a mere badge, a cognoissance or entre-sain ; see p. 22, 172,302. 



Vlll CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER II. 

HOW THE KING OF FRANCE CAME; AND THE BATTLE THAT WAS 
FOUGHT AT VAL DES DUNES 17 

Illustration — Group from the Bayeux Tapestry, p. 17. 
CHAPTER III. 

HOW CANUTE DIED, AND ALFRED FELL BY TREASON; AND HOW 
EDWARD AFTERWARDS BECAME KING 33 

Illustrations — Two illuminations from the Cambridge 
MS. Estoire de Seint ^Edward le Rei, representing the 
dispatch of messengers for Edward, p. 32. The like, re- 
presenting his landing and his coronation, p. 36. 

CHAPTER IV. 

THE REVOLT OF WILLIAM OF ARQUES; AND HOW HE AND THE 
KING OF FRANCE WERE FOILED BY DUKE WILLIAM .... 41 

Illustrations — Messengers to William, from the Tapes- 
try, p. 40. Surrender of a town, from the Tapestry, p. 46. 

CHAPTER V. 

HOW THE KING OF FRANCE INVADED NORMANDY, AND WAS 
BEATEN AT MORTEMER 47 

Illustration — Guy count of Ponthieu, from the Bayeux 
Tapestry, (going there to receive Harold,) p. 52. 

CHAPTER VI. 

HOW THE KING OF FRANCE CAME AGAIN AGAINST DUKE WILLIAM, 
AND WAS DEFEATED AT VARAVILLE 55 

Illustration — Group from the Bayeux Tapestry, (repre- 
senting there the Duke embarking at St. Valery,) p. 57. 

CHAPTER VII. 

HOW WILLIAM PROSPERED, AND WENT TO ENGLAND TO VISIT 
KING EDWARD ; AND WHO GODWIN WAS 63 

Illustrations — Abbey church of the Holy Trinity at 
Caen, from Cotman, p. 63. Edward dissuaded by his 
nobles from his vow, from the Cambridge MS. p. 69. 



CONTENTS. IX 



CHAPTER VIII. 

of Harold's journey to normandy ; and what he did 

THERE 75 

Illustrations — Harold taking his leave of king Edward, 
p. 74. Harold proceeding to Bosham, p. 77. Harold 
claimed, by Norman messengers, from count Guy of Pon- 
thieu, p. 81. Guy delivering Harold to William, p. 82. 
William receiving Harold at his palace, p. 84; all from 
the Tapestry. Edward the Confessor's great seal, p. 86. 

CHAPTER IX. 

HOW KING EDWARD DIED, AND HAROLD WAS CROWNED IN HIS 
STEAD; AND HOW DUKE WILLIAM TOOK COUNSEL AGAINST 
HIM 89 

Illustrations — Edward naming Harold his successor, 
from the Cambridge MS. p. 88. Edward carried for bu- 
rial to Westminster Abbey, from the Bayeux Tapestry, 
p. 91. Edward entombed, from the Cambridge MS. 

p. 92. Harold's election and coronation, from the Ba- 

veux Tapestry, p. 99. Ship bearing the messenger with 
the news to William, also from the Tapestry, p. 100. 

CHAPTER X. 

HOW THE BARONS MET, AND WHAT AID THEY AGREED TO 
GIVE 101 

Illustrations — Remains of the great hall at Lillebonne, 
from Cotman, p. 101. William ordering ships to be 

built, from the Bayeux Tapestry, p. 107. The Comet, and 
information to Harold [of William's preparations 1], both 
from the Tapestry, p. 114. 

CHAPTER XI. 

HOW THE NORMAN HOST MET AT ST. VALERY, AND SAILED 
THENCE 117 

Illustrations — Ship-building, p. 116. Storing the ships, 
p. 121. William's ship, p. 122 ; all from the Tapestry. 






X CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XII. 

HOW THE DUKE AND HIS HOST LANDED NEAR HASTINGS, AND 
MADE THEMSELVES A FORT 127 

Illustrations — Unloading and dismantling the ships, 
p. 126. The supper after landing, p. 129. Group, (the 
same as at p. 55,) p. 132 ; all from the Bayeux Tapestry. 

CHAPTER XIII. 

HOW AN ENGLISH KNIGHT RODE TO HAROLD; AND WHAT MES- 
SAGE WAS SENT BY THE DUKE 133 

CHAPTER XIV. 

HOW THE ENGLISH CONSULTED, AND WENT TO MEET THE NOR- 
MANS ; AND HAROLD AND GURTH RECONNOITRED 141 

Illustrations — Figure from a Saxon MS. now in the 
King's Horary at Paris, representing Harold, (according to 
Montfaucon,) p. 141. Two Norman scouts or messengers, 
from the Bayeux Tapestry (before, p. 16), p. 147. 

CHAPTER XV. 

WHAT FURTHER PARLEY WAS HAD BETWEEN THE KING AND 
DUKE WILLIAM BEFORE THE BATTLE 149 

Illustration — Fort at Hastings, with a messenger com- 
ing to William, from the Bayeux Tapestry, p. 148. 

CHAPTER XVI. 

HOW EACH HOST PASSED THE NIGHT, AND MADE READY FOR 

battle; AND HOW THE DUKE EXHORTED HIS MEN 155 

Illustrations — William and his half brothers, from the 
Bayeux Tapestry, p. 155. William exhorting his men, 
p. 158 ; also from the Tapestry. 

CHAPTER XVII. 

WHO WAS CHOSEN TO BEAR THE DUKe's GONFANON 167 

Illustration — A Norman baron, with gonfanon, coming 
out of Hastings to take horse, from the Tapestry, p. 166. 



CONTENTS. XI 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

HOW THE MEN OF ENGLAND MADE READY, AND WHO THEY 
WERE 173 

Illustration — Saxon armour, — compiled from various 
sources in Planche's ' British Costume,' — p. 173. 

CHAPTER XIX. 

HOW THE NORMAN COMPANIES MOVED TO THE ATTACK .... 181 

Illustrations — William enquiring news of the English 
from Vital one of Ins officers looking out, from the Ba- 
yeux Tapestry, p. 180. Continuation of the exhortation, 
(commenced at p. 158) ; from the Tapestry, p. 185. 

CHAPTER XX. 

HOW TAILLEFER SANG, AND THE BATTLE BEGAN 189 

Illustrations — Attack hy the Normans on the English 
placed on an eminence, and defended hy a fosse, from 
the Bayeux Tapestry, p. 188. Bishop Odo rallying and 
encouraging the varlets, also from the Tapestry, p. 192. 

CHAPTER XXI. 

HOW THE ARCHERS SMOTE HAROLD^ EYE ; AND WHAT STRATAGEM 
THE NORMANS USED 1 ( J? 

Illustration — Engagement between the Normans and 
English, from the Bayeux Tapestry, p. 196. 

CHAPTER XXI [. 

THE ROLL OF THE NORMAN CHIEFS; AND THEIR DEEDS . . 205 

Illustrations — Norman Knights advancing ' ad prelium 
contra Haroldum,' from the Bayeux Tapestry, p. 204. 
Group, also from the Tapestry, p. 205. 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

THE ROLL OF THE NORMAN CHIEFS CONTINUED 225 

Illustrations — William knighting Harold at La Lande, 
from the Bayeux Tapestry, p. 224. Group from the same, 
p. 225. Signet ring of one of the Bigots, p. 235. 



Xll CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

WHAT DEEDS Of ARMS DUKE WILLIAM DID J AND HOW HAROLD 
WAS SLAIN AND THE ENGLISH FLED 249 

Illustrations — Deaths of Lewin and Gurth, p. 248. 
William fighting, p. 249, and death of Harold, p. 253 ; all 
from the Bayeux Tapestry. Burial of Harold, from the 
Cambridge MS. p. 259. 

CHAPTER XXV. 

HOW WILLIAM WAS CROWNED KING ; AND HOW HE AT LAST FELL 
ILL AT ROUEN 261 

Illustrations — Seal of William as king and duke, p. 261. 
Seal of Battle abbey, p. 269. Apsis of St. Gervais, p. 276. 

CHAPTER XXVI. 

HOW WILLIAM DIED, AND WAS BURIED AT CAEN 277 

Illustration — St. Stephen's, Caen, (Cotman,) p. 277. 

CONCLUSION. 

king William's character, from the saxon chronicle 283 
Illustrations — Initial letter from the Battle abbey 
chronicle, p. 283. Dutchy arms, 287. 

APPENDIX 289 

index 307 



INTRODUCTION 



INTRODUCTION. 




DETAILED narrative of events 
so interesting as those which 
preceded and attended the con- 
quest of England by William, 
duke of Normandy, needs little 
apology for its introduction, for 
the first time, to the english 
reader. If his feelings are at all in 
unison with those of the translator, he 
will welcome the easy access thus af- 
forded to this remarkable chronicle; — by 
far the most minute, graphic, and animated 
account of the transactions in question, writ- 
ten by one who lived among the immediate 
children of the principal actors. The historian will 
find some value in such a memorial of this great 
epoch in english affairs; — the genealogist will meet 
in it some interesting materials applicable to his pe- 
culiar pursuits ; — and the general reader will hardly 
fail to take a lively interest in such an illustration 
of the history of the singular men, who emerged 
in so short a time from the condition of roving bar- 



XVI INTRODUCTION. 

barians into that of the conquerors, ennoblers, and 
munificent adorners of every land in which they 
settled, and to whom the proudest families of suc- 
ceeding ages have been eager to trace the honours 
of their pedigree. 

Master Wace, the author of the Roman de 
rou and chronicle of the dukes of Normandy, 
from which the ensuing pages are extracted, tells 
concerning himself, in his prologue, all that is known 
with any degree of certainty. His name, with se- 
veral variations of orthography, is not -i unusual 
one in early norman history, though he not 

claimed an identification with any known tu ly 
distinguished by it. The name of Robert, which 
has been usually assigned to him as an addition, 
has no sufficient warranty. It certainly occurs in 
connection with that of Wace in the charters of the 
abbey of Plessis-Grimoult; (see the Memoires des 
antiquaires de Norm, viii.); but Richard Wac^, a 
priest whose name occurs in the chartulary of the 
abbey of St. Sauveur le Vicomte, has been specu- 
lated upon by the Abbe de la Rue as having a more 
probable claim of identification. 

In speaking of the numbers which composed 
William's invading fleet, Wace says, 

— >jo 01 dire a mon pere, 

Bien m'en sovint, mais varlet ere ; 

and it has been in consequence supposed that he 
intended to represent his father as a cotemporary 
and even an eye witness of the expedition. It will, 
however, be easily seen that this is extremely im- 



INTRODUCTION. XVII 

probable. Wace lived and wrote as late as at least 
1 173, and could hardly have been born earlier than 
the commencement of the eleventh century. The 
assumption that his father was adult in 1066 would 
give to the latter an improbable age at his son's 
birth, and a very great one at the time when the 
' varlet' could have listened to the tale of his pa- 
rent's experience. The probability, therefore, is, 
that Wace only meant to refer to his father as a 
suitable authority, conveying information which he 
might easily have derived from living among those 
w io actually shared in the expedition. It is clear, 
•wever, that in another place, p. 115, he directly 
asserts his own communication with persons adult 
at the conquest; for, in speaking of the comet that 
preceded it, he refers to the report of eye-witnesses 
as his personal authority : 

Asez vi homes ki la virent, 
Ki ainz e poiz lunges veskirent. 

Master Wace tells us that he was born in Jersey; 
— probably soon after 1100. He was taken young 
to be educated at Caen, and proceeded thence to 
the proper dominions of the king of France ; return- 
ing eventually to Ca~n, where he betook himself to 
writing ' romanz.' He says that he finished his 
* Roman de Brut ' (now in course of publication 
at Rouen) in 1155 ; and that he lived under three 
Henries ; namely Henry I. and II. of England, 
and the latter's son Henry, who died young. His 
principal patron was Henry II. who gave him a 
prebend of the cathedral of Bayeux. It appears, 
b 



XV111 INTRODUCTION. 

we are told, from the archives of that church, that 
he held the office nineteen years. We learn from 
him, however, that he did not consider his reward 
equal to his desert ; and he dwells on further pro- 
mises, which would have been more acceptable if 
followed by performance. 

His chronicle (which he says he wrote in 1160) 
continues down to 1106 ; and ends in apparent ill 
humour at Benoit de Sainte-More's being employed 
upon a similar task. His concluding words are, 

Ci faut li livre maistre Wace, 
Qu' in velt avant fere — s'in face ! 

He is reported to have died in England as late as 
1 184. He certainly wrote after 1 173, for his ascend- 
ing chronicle of the dukes of Normandy speaks 
of events which occurred in that year. 

The earlier portions of his chronicle, like the 
pages of Ordericus Vitalis, teem with wonders. His 
principal sources of these materials were Dudo de 
St. Quintin, and William of Jumieges. But, as M. 
Guizot observes in vindication of the latter, the re- 
proach is certainly not, that having truth and error 
within his reach he selected the latter, but that 
with no choice about the matter he used the only 
materials that were in his power. When he reached 
the era of the conqueror, more complete and au- 
thentic information was within his reach ; and the 
perusal of this later portion of his work will perhaps 
leave no unfavorable impression as to the judgment 
and fidelity with which he has used his materials, 
especially with regard to the narrative of the groat 



INTRODUCTION. XIX 

english expedition. There is an obvious desire to 
represent the truth, and to state the doubt when 
certainty was not attainable; and it may not escape 
the reader, that though Wace is far from wanting 
in poetic spirit, he sometimes rejects precisely those 
ornaments of his story which were most attractive 
for a poet's purpose, and for the use of which grave 
example might be pleaded. 

He is particularly interesting whenever his sub- 
ject leads to local description applicable to his 
more immediate neighbourhood. From that part of 
Normandy in particular his list of the chiefs present 
at the battle of Hastings has its principal materials. 
The allusions, in which he abounds, to the perso- 
nal history and conduct of many of these leaders 
give great value to this portion of his chronicle. 
Anachronisms no doubt are easily to be discovered, 
from which none of the chroniclers of the day were 
or could be expected to be exempt. His christian 
names are sometimes incorrect ; an error which he 
certainly might have avoided had he folio wed the 
safer policy of Brompton, who covers his inability 
to enter upon that branch of his work, by roundly 
asserting that truth was unattainable. 

If Wace is followed on the map, it will readily 
be seen to what extent the fiefs in his own dis- 
trict of Normandy predominate in his catalogue. 
He even commemorates the communes of neigh- 
bouring towns ; and the arrangement throughout 
is determined by circumstances of propinquity, by 
rhyme, or other casual association. 



XX INTRODUCTION. 

But with all the drawbacks which may be claim- 
ed, W ace's roll, partial and confined in extent as it 
is, must always be considered an interesting and 
valuable document. Even if it be taken as the mere 
gossip and tradition of the neighbourhood, it be- 
longs to a period so little removed from that of the 
immediate actors, that it cannot be read with indif- 
ference. It bears a character of general probability 
in the main, of simplicity and of absence of any 
purpose of deception, ft puts together much local 
and family information, gathered by an intelligent 
associate of those whose means of knowledge was 
recent and direct ; and it may be read, so far as it 
goes, with far less distrust, and is in fact supported 
by more external authority both positive and ne- 
gative, than those lists which were once of high 
pretension, but are now universally abandoned as 
fabricated or corrupt.* 

The narrative of the english expedition is the 
main object of the present volume : but it seemed 
desirable to prefix the leading passages of William's 
early history ; not only for the purpose of introdu- 
cing many of the persons with whom the reader is 
afterwards to become better acquainted, but with 
the view of exhibiting a lively picture of the dif- 



* The list in the printed ' Chronique de Normandie,' though 
very inaccurately given, is based upon Wace's. It may be found 
much more correctly in the fine MS. Chronicle of Normandy, 
(which ought to be printed.) in the British Museum, Bibl. Keg. 
1 r > E. vi. fol. ccccx. 



INTRODUCTION. XXI 

Acuities attending William's opening career — of the 
energy with which he triumphed over his enemies, 
and directed his turbulent subjects to useful pur- 
poses — and of the hazards he incurred, in attempt- 
ing so bold an expedition in the presence of such 
dangerous neighbours. The narratives of the revolt 
quelled at Valdesdunes, and of the affairs of Arques, 
Mortemer, and Varaville, are among the most pic- 
turesque and graphic portions of Wace's chronicle, 
and derive much interest from their bearing upon 
local history and description. 

The division into chapters, it may be proper to 
observe, is a liberty taken with the original by the 
translator; and his further liberties are those of 
omitting portions of the duke's early adventures, 
and of restoring, in one or two cases, the proper 
chronological arrangement, which Wace does not 
always observe. 

It may be asked, why the version is prose? The 
answer may be, that the translator's wish was to 
place before the english reader a literal narrative, 
and not to attempt the representation of a poetical 
curiosity; if conscious of the power of so doing, to 
which however he makes no pretension. To those, 
who wish to judge of the style and diction of the ori- 
ginal chronicle, it is easily accessible in the Rouen 
edition; and occasional extracts will be given, which 
may answer the purpose of most readers. It was 
considered to be an idle attempt to pretend to re- 
present such a work in modern english verse. In 
so doing, the fidelity of the narrative must have 



XX11 INTRODUCTION. 

been more or less sacrificed, especially if rhyme had 
been attempted ; and without rhyme there could 
hardly have been much resemblance. 

The object in view has been to represent the au- 
thor's narrative simply and correctly ; but the 
printed text is obviously inaccurate, and its want 
of precision in grammar often creates difficulty in 
translation. The lapse of words, and even of lines, 
defects in the rhymes, and other circumstances 
noticed in M. Raynouard's observations, betray the 
inaccuracy of the MS. from which it was taken. 
Nevertheless, this MS. — the one of the British 
Museum, MS. Reg. 4. C. xi., — appears to be, on 
the whole, the best of the existing transcripts. It 
is of the date of about 1200; its style is anglicized, 
the grammar loose, and parts of it are lost. It has 
one peculiar interest, that of having belonged to the 
library of Battle abbey, for which it was no doubt 
made; it bears the inscription, * liber abbati;e 

SANCTI MARTINI DE BELLO.' 

The plan and extent of this volume did not admit 
of discussions concerning the many disputed histo- 
rical questions as to the respective rights, wrongs, 
pretensions or grievances of the great rivals, whose 
fates were decided by the expedition. Abundant 
materials are now open for the english reader's 
judgment, in the historical works adapted to such 
inquiries. Wace's account, published at a norman 
court, and under the patronage of the conqueror's 
family, may be expected to represent the leading- 
facts in a light favourable to norman pretensions ; 



INTRODUCTION. XXlll 

but on the whole, the impression left on a perusal 
of his report will probably be, that it is fair, and 
creditable to the author's general judgment and 
fidelity as an historian. 

Notes are appended to the text, directed mainly 
to local and genealogical illustrations, and particu- 
larly to that species of information which is, in a 
great degree, new to the english reader, — the 
pointing out the cradles of great norman families, 
whose representatives are stated to have been pre- 
sent at the expedition. Much of the material for 
this purpose was supplied in the truly valuable and 
interesting no£es to the Rouen edition, written by 
M. AugusteLePrevost, a resident antiquary of great 
and deserved reputation, who has also obliged the 
translator by additional illustrations in MS. Further 
information has been sought in various other quar- 
ters. The translator's wish has been to keep the 
branch of his work within reasonable limits; though 
the result may after all be, that he will be thought 
too diffuse on these points for the general reader, 
and too brief for the satisfaction of those whose 
pursuits lie in the direction of such inquiries. 
Wherever notes, borrowed substantially from M. Le 
Prevost, may be considered as turning on his per- 
sonal or local information, his authority is cited by 
adding his initials, A.L.P. It was believed that 
all were likely to attach importance on doubtful sub- 
jects to the testimony or opinion of an active and 
intelligent local inquirer. But, on the other hand, 
the translator has not scrupled on all occasions to 



XXIV INTRODUCTION. 

use his own judgment, and the assistance derived 
from other sources ; and these have sometimes led 
him to different conclusions from those of his pre- 
decessors. He has particularly to acknowledge his 
great obligations to Mr. Stapleton, for supervision 
of his notes on chapters 22 and 23. Those who 
know the extent and accuracy of that gentleman's 
acquaintance with these subjects, will appreciate 
the great value of his assistance. 

In the notes on those chapters, the translator's 
design has mainly been to trace the locality of the 
fiefs in question, and to refer to other evidence, such 
as that of Domesday, with regard to each holder's 
share in the expedition ; adding, where it could be 
done, the state and ownership of such fiefs at the 
time of the compilation of the roll of Hen. II. co- 
pied into the Red book of our exchequer. The en- 
glish history of these families has not been dwelt 
upon. Those who wish to follow up that branch 
of the subject, can at once refer to Dugdale's Ba- 
ronage, and other authorities easily accessible. In 
the references to Domesday book, the obviously 
convenient method has been to have recourse to the 
very useful Introduction to that record, published 
in 1833, under the direction of the Record-com- 
missioners. 

In the orthography of the proper names, that of 
Wace has been strictly observed in the translator's 
text ; his notes generally giving what is conceived 
to be the proper or more modern version of each. 
The necessity for this precaution is abundantly 



INTRODUCTION. XXV 

shown by the confusion and mistakes that have 
arisen from modernizing names, (of the true relation 
or derivation of which a translator is sometimes 
scantily informed,) without supplying at the same 
time the opportunity of correction, by a faithful quo- 
tation of the original. The translator here begs to 
express his fear lest he has in one respect violated 
his own rule, by the use he has made of Fitz as a 
prefix. It is right the reader should bear in mind, 
that throughout the original the term used is filz, — 
such as ' le filz Osber de Bretuil/ &c. ; and it might 
have been better, by a literal translation, to have 
avoided the appearance of an anachronous use of the 
patronymic form afterwards so common. 

The proper completion of the notes would consist 
in tracing the identity and possession of the fiefs, 
from the Red book roll of the exchequer down- 
wards, to the lists formed, after the general confis- 
cation of the estates of king John's adherents, by 
Philip Augustus. The translator has only had ac- 
cess to the former, as to which a few words may be 
said. It is a beautiful transcript from a roll, a por- 
tion of which still exists, according to the report of 
Mr. Stapleton, in the Hotel Soubise at Paris. Du- 
carel has printed, though very incorrectly, a tran- 
script from our exchequer record.* The roll itself 
was probably completed between the twentieth and 
thirtieth years of Hen. II. ; but that part of it which 



* A much more correct copy is printed in the french transla- 
tion of Ducarel, published in 1823. 



XXVI INTRODUCTION. 

relates to the fees of the cathedral church of Ba- 
yeux is an abstract of an inquest of an earlier date, 
namely, of about 1 133, taken on the death of Richard 
Fitz- Samson the bishop, and lately printed in the 
8th vol. of the ' Memoires des antiquaires de Nor- 
mandie.' This circumstance creates anachronisms in 
the roll, that are still more apparent in the one pub- 
lished — also incorrectly — in Duchesne's Scriptores, 
from a MS. now in the King's library at Paris. The 
roll of Hen. II. is only the basis of Duchesne's; 
which was obviously compiled after the confisca- 
tions of Philip Augustus; to whose era, and the 
then existing state of things, the entries are made to 
conform. Some who have not examined into the 
minutiae of these records, have supposed that the 
list, with which they close, of men who neither ap- 
peared nor made any return, refers to those who ad- 
hered to John ; instead of its being, as the fact is, a 
mere record of defaulters under Hen. II. 

There are historical traces of attempts under that 
monarch, to form a sort of norman Domesday, for 
purposes, no doubt, of revenue. It would seem 
that this design was resisted, and perhaps was only 
imperfectly executed in the form we find the exist- 
ing roll. Philip Augustus afterwards caused much 
more complete registers of the Fceda Normannorum 
to be formed. Transcripts of these are in the King's 
library, and at the Hotel Soubise, and partially in 
the Liber-niger of Coutances which M. de Gerville 
quotes. The 'Fceda Normannorum' in Duchesne 
seems part of a document of this later period. 



INTRODUCTION. XXVll 

While this volume was in progress, and after the 
notes had been prepared, the 7th and 8th vols, of the 
' Memoires des antiquaires de Normandie' reached 
the translator. They contain a calendar and ana- 
lysis of a vast number of charters to religious houses 
within the department of Calvados, and furnish a 
perpetual recurrence of the names of the early 
owners of the principal fiefs in that district. 

Another great addition has at the same time been 
made to the stock of materials for the illustration of 
Wace, in the publication at Rouen of the first vol. 
of the ' Chroniques Anglo-Normandes,' comprising 
such portions of Gaimar, of the Estoire de Seint 
iEdward le Rei, of the continuation of Wace's Brut 
d'Angleterre, and of Benoit de Sainte-More, as re- 
late to the norman conquest. They had all been pre- 
viously resorted to in MS. and more copious extracts 
would have been added, if they had not been made 
so accessible by the publication referred to. Its 
continuation will add other valuable historic docu- 
ments relative to the period in question. 

For the graphic illustrations of the volume re- 
course has been had to a few of the illuminations 
of the beautiful Cambridge MS. of the Estoire de 
Seint iEdward le Rei. Several other subjects, that 
appeared appropriate, have been added from va- 
rious sources. But the principal storehouse of the 
illustrations has been that noble and exquisite relic 
of antiquity, the tapestry of the cathedral of Ba- 
yeux. To this series of pictures the chronicle of 
Wace, (a prebend of that church, as already ob- 



XXV111 INTRODUCTION. 

served,) would almost seem to have been intended 
as what, in modern times, would be called the letter 
press. The controversies long carried on, as to the 
age of this interesting piece of workmanship, and 
as to the identity of the Matilda to whom it may 
owe its origin, need not be reviewed here. The 
reader will find in Ducarel, in the observations of 
M. H. F. Delauney annexed to the French trans- 
lation of Ducarel, in the Archaeologia, in Mr. Daw- 
son Turner's Letters, Dr. Dibdin's Tour, and other 
modern works, ingenious and ample d iscussions upon 
what is known or conjectured on the subject. 

Speculations have been hazarded, with the view 
of testing the era of the tapestry by Wace's sup- 
posed want of agreement with the story of the for- 
mer. It seems assumed that this variance would 
not have occurred, had the tapestry been in exist- 
ence when he wrote. It is not clear, however, that 
there is any material variance; but if there be, it 
is surely somewhat hasty to assume on that ac- 
count, either that Wace preceded, or that he was 
unacquainted with the worsted chronicle. He ob- 
viously sought his authorities in various quarters; 
and he might very well have known and rejected 
the testimony of the tapestry, on any matter of fact 
regarding which there were conflicting accounts. 
It is very curious that two such monuments of an- 
tiquity should be connected with the same church; 
but it is left to others to speculate whether this was 
accidental, or what influence, if any, the work of 
either party had on that of the other. 



I NTH') f) I < I M> V 



Lastly, a small mapof Normandy has been added, 

for the illustration of Wace's work and of the ac- 
companying notes. With the exception of the lead- 
monastic establishments, (which were consi- 
dered a convenient addition, though many of them 
were founded at a later period), little is shown upon 
the map beyond the towns and fiefs introduced by 
Wace ; and these are laid down so far as the means of 
knowledge or probable conjecture presented them- 
selves. In the execution of this little map, no pre- 
tension is made to strict geographical or even chro- 
nological accuracy ; neither has uniformity been 
preserved in the language of the names; but such 
as it is, it will probably be found sufficiently full and 
precise to answer the general purpose for which 



it is designed. 




XXVlll INTRODUCTION. 

served,) would almost seem to have been intended 
as what, in modern times, would be called the letter 
press. The controversies long carried on, as to the 
age of this interesting piece of workmanship, and 
as to the identity of the Matilda to whom it may 
owe its origin, need not be reviewed here. The 
reader will find in Ducarel, in the observations of 
M. H. F. Delauney annexed to the French trans- 
lation of Ducarel, in the Archaeologia, in Mr. Daw- 
son Turner's Letters, Dr. Dibdin's Tour, and other 
modern works, ingenious and ample d iscussions upon 
what is known or conjectured on the subject. 

Speculations have been hazarded, with the view 
of testing the era of the tapestry by Wace's sup- 
posed want of agreement with the story of the for- 
mer. It seems assumed that this variance would 
not have occurred, had the tapestry been in exist- 
ence when he wrote. It is not clear, however, that 
there is any material variance; but if there be, it 
is surely somewhat hasty to assume on that ac- 
count, either that Wace preceded, or that he was 
unacquainted with the worsted chronicle. He ob- 
viously sought his authorities in various quarters; 
and he might very well have known and rejected 
the testimony of the tapestry, on any matter of fact 
regarding which there were conflicting accounts. 
It is very curious that two such monuments of an- 
tiquity should be connected with the same church; 
but it is left to others to speculate whether this was 
accidental, or what influence, jf any, the work of 
either party had on that of the other. 



INTRODUCTION. 



XXIX 



Lastly, a small map of Normandy has been added, 
for the illustration of Wace's work and of the ac- 
companying notes. With the exception of the lead- 
ing monastic establishments, (which were consi- 
dered a convenient addition, though many of them 
were founded at a later period), little is shown upon 
the map beyond the towns and fiefs introduced by 
Wace ; and these are laid down so far as the means of 
knowledge or probable conjecture presented them- 
selves. In the execution of this little map, no pre- 
tension is made to strict geographical or even chro- 
nological accuracy ; neither has uniformity been 
preserved in the language of the names; but such 
as it is, it will probably be found sufficiently full and 
precise to answer the general purpose for which 
it is designed. 




THE CHRONICLE. 




ROU, or ROLLO. 

I 

WILLIAM I. 

I 
Emma=RICHARD I.=Gunnor. 



Popia=^RICHARD II.=pJudith. 



CANUTE=Enimsfc=ETHELRED. 



r 



i 

Mauger. 
Will, of 
Arques. 



RICHARD ROBERT... Arietta 



71 

Adeliz 



III. 



Herluin. Rainald. 

I ' 



Edmund EDWARD 
Confessor. 



Maud=|=WILLIAM 
Conqueror. 



II II 

Adeliz=pEnguer- Odo. Muriel. Guy Edward. 

rand of Robert of Bur- 

Ponthieu. gundy. 



ROBERT. WILLIAM. HEN. 1. Adeliz=Odo. Judith=Waltheof. EDGAR. 




ROLOGUE CONCERN- 
ING THE AUTHOR OF 
THIS BOOK, SETTING 
FORTH HIS INTENT 
AND DEGREE. 

TO commemorate the deeds, the say- 
ings, and manners of our ancestors, to 
tell the felonies of felons and the ba- 
ronage of barons 1 , men should read 
aloud at feasts the gests and histories 
of other times ; and therefore they did 
well, and should be highly prized and 
rewarded who first wrote books, and recorded 
therein concerning the noble deeds and good words 
which the barons and lords did and said in days 
of old. Long since would those things have been 
forgotten, were it not that the tale thereof has been 
told, and their history duly recorded and put in re- 
membrance. 




1 In the phrase ' Li barnage des baruns,' barnage seems to be 
used with reference to those noble qualities which ought to adorn 



2 PROLOGUE. 

Many a city hath once been, and many a noble 
state, whereof we should now have known nothing; 
and many a deed has been done of old, which would 
have passed away, if such things had not been writ- 
ten down, and read and rehearsed by clerks. 

The fame of Thebes was great, and Babylon had 
once a mighty name ; Troy also was of great power, 
and Nineveh was a city broad and long ; but whoso 
should now seek them would scarce find their place. 

Nebuchadnezzar was a great king ; he made an 
image of gold, sixty cubits in height, and six cubits 
in breadth ; but he who should seek ever so care- 
fully would not, I ween, find out where his bones 
were laid : yet thanks to the good clerks, who have 
written for us in books the tales of times past, we 
know and can recount the marvellous works done 
in the days that are gone by. 

Alexander was a mighty king; he conquered 
twelve kingdoms in twelve years: he had many 
lands and much wealth, and was a kino- of oreat 
power ; but his conquests availed him little, he was 
poisoned and died. Caesar, whose deeds were so 
many and bold, who conquered and possessed more 



the true baron, — the ' gentil ber' of our poet. 2 The present 
prologue is not, in the original, immediately prefixed to the por- 
tion of the chronicle here translated. In fact, Waco introduces 
it twice in nearly the same words; but it forms a suitable intro- 
duction, omitting what intervenes. The original of this passage 
may be given as a specimen of Wace's style : 



PRO LOG UR. d 

of the world than any man before or since could 
do, was at last, as we read, slain by treason, and 
fell in the capitol. Both these mighty men, the 
lords of so many lands, who vanquished so many 
kings, after their deaths held of all their posses- 
sions nought but their bodies' length. What availed 
them, or how are they the better for their rich 
booty and wide conquests ? It is only from what 
they have read, that men learn that Alexander and 
Caesar were. Their names have endured many 
years ; yet they would have been utterly forgotten 
long ago, if their story had not been written down. 

All things hasten to decay ; all fall ; all perish ; 
all come to an end. Man dieth, iron consumeth, 
wood decay eth ; towers crumble, strong walls fall 
down, the rose withereth away ; the war-horse 
waxeth feeble, gay trappings grow old ; all the 
works of men's hands perish 2 . Thus we are taught 
that all die, both clerk and lay; and short would 
be the fame of any after death, if their history did 
not endure by being written in the book of the 
clerk. 

The story of the Normans is long and hard to 

Tote rien se tome en declin ; 
Tot cliiet, tot muert, tot vait a fin ; 
Horn muert, fer use, fust porrist, 
Tur font, mur chiet, rose flaistrit ; 
Chcval tresbuche, drap viesist, 
Tot owe fet od maim perist. 



PROLOGUE. 



put into romanz. If any one ask who it is that 
tells it and writes this history, let him know that 
I am Wace, of the isle of Jersey, which is in the 
western sea, appendant to the fief of Normandy. 
I was born in the island of Jersey, but was taken 
to Caen when young ; and, being there taught, 
went afterwards to France, where I remained for a 
long time. When I returned thence, I dwelt long 
at Caen, and there turned myself to making ro- 
mances, of which I wrote many. 

In former times, they who wrote gests and his- 
tories of other days used to be beloved, and much 
prized and honoured. They had rich gifts from 
the barons and noble ladies ; but now I may pon- 
der long, and write and translate books, and may 
make many a romance and sirvente, ere I find any 
one, how courteous soever he may be, who will do 
me any honour, or give me enough even to pay a 
scribe. I talk to rich men who have rents and 



3 These laments are frequent in the minstrels' songs of that age 
in all countries. Walther von der Vogelweide, the German min- 
nesinger, by far the most varied and interesting port of his day, 
is often very plaintive in his lamentations; 

' Hie vor do was diu welt so schblie, 

Nu ist si worden also hone.' 

The world was once so beautiful, 

And now so desolate and dull. 
See notice of his life and works in Lays of the Minnesingers, 
London, 1825. At the conclusion of his Chronicle, Waco men- 
tions Maistre Beneit (de Sainte-More) as commissioned to under- 



PROLOGUE. 

money ; it is for them that the book is made, that 
the tale well told and written down ; but noblesse 
now is dead, and largesse hath perished with it 3 ; 
so that I have found none, let me travel where I 
will, who will bestow ought upon me, save king 
Henry the second. He gave me, so God reward 
him, a prebend at Bayeux 4 , and many other good 
gifts. He was grandson of the first king Henry, 
and father of the third 5 . Three kings — dukes and 
kings — dukes of Normandy, and kings of Eng- 
land — all three have I known, being a reading 
clerk in their days. 

In honour of the second Henry, of the line of 
Roul, I have told the tale of Roul, of his noble 
parentage, of Normandy that he conquered, and 
the prowess that he showed. I have recounted the 
history of William Lunge-espee, till the Flemings 
killed him by felony and treason ; of Richard his 
son, whom he left a child ; [of the second Rich- 



take a similar task, and expresses himself by no means satisfied 
with his patron, Henry II. 

Mult me duna, plus me pramist : 

E se il tot dune m'eust 

Qo k'il me pramist, mielx me fut. 
4 The names and values of the forty-nine prebends of Bayeux 
appear in the Memoires desAntiq. Norm. viii. 458-467. Seven 
of them were created by Bishop Odo, out of the forfeited lands 
of Grimoult du Plessis after mentioned. 5 These three Henrys 
were Henry I. and Henry II. of England, and Henry the lat- 
ter's son, who died in 1182, in his father's lifetime, but was living 



PROLOGUE. 

ard, who succeeded him ; of his son the third 
Richard ; who was soon followed by Duke Robert 
his brother, who went to Jerusalem, and died by 
poison; and now the tale will be of William his 
son, who was born to him of the ' meschine, Arlot 
of Faleise 6 .'] 



when Wace wrote. He was expectant heir of England and Nor- 
mandy, and was then in the possession or government of the lat- 
ter, so as in some measure to justify Wace's epithets. 6 Roul 
is of course the personage usually called Rollo. The sentence in 
brackets comprises a few words, added by the translator; con- 
densing the intervening part of the Chronicle, so as to introduce 
that portion of the work which he proceeds to translate. 




^ft :; -- - ~- '. 



A MA-p 01' 

ILLUSTRATIVE OF WACE 

it//// the principal 
Relig'io as estab] Lslim ei Lt s 
( marked, +) 





CHAPTER I. 



HOW WILLIAM BECAME DUKE, AND HOW HIS BARONS 
REVOLTED AGAINST HIM. 



The mourning for Duke Robert was great and 
lasted long; and William his son, who was yet very- 
young, sorrowed much. The feuds against him 
were many, and his friends few ; for he found that 
most were ill inclined towards him ; those even 
whom his father held dear he found haughty and 
evil disposed. The barons warred upon each other; 
the strong oppressed the weak ; and he could not 
prevent it, for he could not do justice upon them 



THE CHRONICLE 

all. So they burned and pillaged the villages, and 
robbed and plundered the villains, injuring them 
in many ways. 

A mighty feud broke out between Walkelin de 
Ferrieres 1 , and Hugh Lord of Montfort 2 ; I know 
not which was right and which wrong ; but they 
waged fierce war with each other, and were not to 
be reconciled ; neither by bishop nor lord could 
peace or love be established between them. Both 
were good knights, bold and brave. Once upon 
a time they met, and the rage of each against the 
other was so great that they fought to the death. 

1 know not which carried himself most gallantly, 
or who fell the first, but the issue of the affray was 
that Hugh was slain, and Walkelin fell also ; both 
lost their lives in. the same affray, and on the same 
day. 

William meantime grew, and strengthened him- 
self as his years advanced; yet still he was forced 

1 This combat is mentioned by William of Jumieges. Vau- 
(juelin or Vauclin is a name still common in Normandy. See 
as to Ferrieres Memoires des Antic]. Norm. iv. 434. Yauqnelin 
de Ferrieres left two sons, William and Henry, who distinguished 
themselves at the conquest, and were liberally rewarded. We shall 
find the name hereafter. 3 The Montforts will be noticed after- 
wards. 3 See as to this state of anarchy William of Jumieges, 
and Ordericus Vitulis. We pass over a portion of the Chronicle, 
as to the French king's demand of the destruction of Tillieies, and 
Gilbert Crespin's defence of it, and other disputes with the king. 
1 This date is correct; Weel de Saint Sauveur, Viscount of the 



OF THE CONQUEST. 9 

to hear and see many a deed which went against his 
heart, though he could do nothing to prevent it. 
The barons' feuds continued ; they had no regard 
for him. Every one according to his means made 
castles and fortresses. On account of the castles 
wars arose, and destruction of the lands ; great 
affrays and jealousies ; maraudings and challeng- 
ings ,• while the duke could give no redress 3 to 
those who suffered such wrongs. 

Still as he advanced in age and stature he waxed 
strong; for he was prudent, and took care to streng- 
then himself on many sides. He had now held the 
land twelve years, when the country was involved 
in war, and suffered greatly through Neel de Cos- 
tentin 4 and Renouf de Beessin, two viscounts of 
great power, who had the means of working much 
mischief. 

William had about his person Gui, a son of Reg- 
inald the Burgundian 5 , who had married Aeliz, 



Cotentin, will be further noticed hereafter. Renouf, Viscount 
of the Bessin, is afterwards called by Wace Renouf de Brica- 
sard, from the castle of Bricasard, which formed the caput of the 
barony of the viscounts of the Bessin. Either this Renouf, or a 
son, married the sister of Hugh Lupus; and their son Ranulph, 
of Bayeux or Bricasard, succeeded to the earldom of Chester and 
other possessions of the Avranche family, on the death of Earl 
Richard, about 1121. As to the cry of St. Sever, it looks very 
like an anachronism ; unless this Renouf was the one who married 
the sister of Hugh Lupus, and, being already so married, was 
sufficiently connected with St. Sever to adopt that war-cry. 



10 THE CHRONICLE 

the daughter of Duke Richard, and had two sons 
by her. Gui was brought up with William. When 
he was a young varlet, and first began to ride and 
to know how to feed and dress himself, he was 
taken into Normandy and brought up with Wil- 
liam, who was very fond of him, and when he had 
made him a knight, gave him Briune 6 and Ver- 
nun, and other lands round about. When Gui had 
got possession, and had strengthened them till they 
had become good and fair castles, he became very 
envious of William, who had seigniory over him, 
and began to annoy him, and to challenge Nor- 
mandy itself as his own right, reproaching William 
for his bastardy, and feloniously stirring up war 
against him ; but it fell out ill for him, for in try- 
ing to seize all he lost the whole. He assembled 
and talked with Neel and Renouf, and Hamon-as- 
dens 7 , and Grimoult del Plesseiz 8 , who served 
William grudgingly. " There was not," he said, 
" any heir who had a better right to Normandy 



5 Guy of Burgundy, or of Macon, see Wace, i. 352. 6 Bri- 
onne,a small town in the arrondissement of Bernay. An account 
of it and its possessions, and of the acquisition of the castle by 
Guy of Burgundy, may be seen in Mem. Ant. Norm. iv. 415. 
It is also described in William of Poitiers. 7 Hamon with 
the teeth, Lord of Thorigny, in the arrondissement of Saint Lo, 
father or grandfather of Robert Fitz Ilamon, who settled in 
England, and held lands there. In the roll of Norman fees 
tinder Henry 11. in the red book of the Exchequer, we find, 
among the knights of the set 1 of Bayeux, ' Robertas tilius Ham. 



OF THE CONQUEST. 1 1 

than himself. Richard was father to his mother ; 
lie was no bastard, but born in wedlock ; and if 
right was done, Normandy would belong to him. 
If they would support him in his claim, he would 
divide it with them." So, at length, he said so 
much, and promised so largely, that they swore to 
support him according to their power in making- 
war on William, and to seek his disherison by force 
or treason. Then they stored their castles, dug 
fosses, and erected barricades, William knowing 
nothing of their preparations. 

He was at that time sojourning at Valognes, for 
his pleasure as well as on business; and had been 
engaged for several days hunting and shooting in 
the woods. One evening late his train had left his 
court, and all had gone to rest at the hostels where 
they lodged, except those who were of his house- 
hold ; and he himself was laid down. Whether he 
slept or not I do not know, but in the season of the 
first sleep, a fool named Golet 9 came, with a stafT 

10 mil. tenebat de honore Ebr.' See as to Thorigny M. de Ger- 
ville's Recherches in the Mem. Ant. Norm. v. 220. 8 Gri- 
moult du Plessis, lord of the place still called Plessis-Grimoult, 
in the arrondissement of Vire. M. de Gerville, in his Re- 
cherches, states that besides this Plessis the fief and castle of 
Plessis in the arrondissement of Coutances, also belonged to 
Grimoult. He does not determine which of the two gave him 
his name. We know nothing of his family, except that his sister 
married William de Albini, great grandfather of the first Albini, 
Earl of Arundel, whose Cotentin estates were near Plessis. 



12 



THE CHRONICLE 



slung at his neck, crying out at the chamber door, 
and beating the wall with the staff; " Ovrez !" 
said he, " Ovrez ! ovrez ! ye are dead men : levez . 
levez ! Where art thou laid, William ? Wherefore 
dost thou sleep ? If thou art found here thou wilt 
die ; thy enemies are arming around ; if they find 
thee here, thou wilt never quit the Cotentin, nor 
live till the morning !" 

Then William was greasy alarmed ; he rose up 
and stood as a man sorely dismayed. He asked 
no further news, for it seemed unlikely to bring 
him any good. He was in his breeches and shirt, 
and putting a cloak around his neck, he seized his 
horse quickly, and was soon on the road. I know 
not whether he even stopped to seek for his spurs, 
or whether he took any companion of his flight, 
but he hasted on till he came to the fords nearest 
at hand, which were those of Vire, and crossed them 
by night in great fear and anger. From thence he 
bent his way to the church of St. Clement 10 , and 
prayed God heartily, if it were his will, to be his 



9 William of Jumieges calls him Gallet ; and says he was of 
Bayeux. 10 The church of St. Clement, a commune at the 
embouchure of the Vire, near Isigny. The fords of Vire are also 
mentioned by Wace again in narrating William's rapid journey 
from Valognes to Aiques. lie seems to have crossed by the route 
(abandoned under Louis XIV.) called the Grand-vey (ford), by 
Montebourg, Kmondeville, Surqueville, the (.'luuissee d'Audou- 
ville, and St. Marie du Mont, whore the water was entered near 



OF THE CONQUEST. 13 

safe conduct, and let him pass in safety. He dared 
not turn towards Bayeux, for he knew not whom to 
trust, so he took the way which passes between 
Bayeux and the sea. And as he rode through Rie 
before the sun rose, Hubert de Rie n stood at his 
gate, between the church and his castle 12 , and saw 
William pass in disorder, and that his horse was 
all in a sweat. " How is that you travel so, fair 
sire ?" cried he. " Hubert," said William, "dare 
I tell you ?" Then Hubert said, " Of a truth, 
most surely ! say on boldly !" "I will have no 
secrets with you ; my enemies follow seeking me, 
and menace my life. I know that they have sworn 
my death." Then Hubert led him into his hostel, 
and gave him his good horse, and called forth his 
three sons. " Fair sons," said he, " muntez ! mun- 
tez ! Behold your lord, conduct him till ye have 
lodged him in Falaise. This way ye shall pass, 
and that; it will be ill for you to touch upon any 
town." So Hubert taught them well the ways 
and turnings ; and his sons understood all rightly, 



Brucheville for Saint Clement, and thence to Rye. Froissart 
mentions it as the road by which the Earl of Arundel returned 
to Cherbourg in 1388, after ravaging the Bessin. The great 
Talbot narrowly escaped by the same road, from an unfortunate 
expedition. Mem. Ant. Norm. v. 295. u Rye, three leagues 
north of Bayeux. The church of Rye is very ancient and curi- 
ous. Hubert was the father of five sons — Ralf, Hubert, Adam, 
Eudo (called Eudo the Dapifer in Domesday,) and Robert, a 



14 THE CHRONICLE 

and followed his instructions exactly. They crossed 
all the country, passed Folpendant 13 at the ford, 
and lodged William in Falaise. If he were in bad 
plight, what matters so that he got safe ? 

Hubert remained standing on his bridge ; he 
looked out over valley, and over hill, and listened 
anxiously for news, when they who were pursuing 
William came spurring by. They called him on 
one side, and conjured him with fair words to tell 
if he had seen the bastard, and whither and by 
what road he was gone. And he said to them, 
" He passed this way, and is not far off; you will 
have him soon; but wait, I will lead you myself, 
for I should like to give him the first blow. By 
my faith, I pledge you my word, that if I find him, 
I will strike him the first if I can." But Hubert 
only led them out of their way till he had no fear 
for William, who was gone by another route. So 
when he had talked to them enough of this thin?* 
and that, he returned back to his hostel. 

The Cotentin and the Bessin were in great 
dismay that day, for the alarming news soon went 
through the country of William's being betrayed, 
and how he was to have been murdered by night. 



Bishop. I2 ' Entre li mostier es a mote,' the mound or eleva- 
tion on which the castle or mansion of Hubert stood; a sense 
very different from that in which we use the word moot, namely, 
the surrounding fosse. I3 What spot or stream is here indicated 



OF THE CONQUEST. 15 

Some said he was killed; others that he was taken ; 
many said that he had fled : — " May God protect 
him," said all. Between Bayeux and the fords 14 
the roads were to be seen covered with those who 
came from Valognes, holding themselves as dead or 
disgraced men, for having lost their lord, whom 
they had safe overnight. They know not where to 
seek their lord, who had been among them but last 
evening : they go enquiring tidings of him around, 
without knowing whither to repair. And heavily 
do they curse Grimoult del Plesseiz, and those 
who trust in him; for they vehemently suspect that 
he has done foul treason by his lord. Thus all 
Normandy was frightened and troubled at what 
had happened. 

The viscounts hated the duke; they seized his 
lands, and omitted to lay hold of nothing which 
they could reach. They plundered him so com- 
pletely, that he was unable to do any thing, either 
for right or wrong. He could not enter the Bes- 
sin, neither demand rent or service ; so he went to 
France, to King Henry 15 , whom his father Robert 
served, and complained against Neel, that he had 
injured him, and had seized his rents. He corn- 



is now, we believe, unknown. It is said there is a Foupendanl 
in the environs of Moutiers, but that there is no stream there. 
M OfVire. ,5 It was, according to Ordericus Vitalis, at Poissy 
(Pexeium), that William met the King of France, to seek his aid. 



16 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUESJ\ 

plained also of Hamon-as-dens, and of Guion le 
Burgenion ; of Grimoult, who would have betrayed 
him, and whom he might well hate more than any 
other; and of Renouf de Briquesart, who took and 
spent his refits ; and of the other barons of the 
country who had risen up against him. 





CHAPTER II. 

HOW THE KING OF FRANCE CAME; AND OF THE BATTLE 
THAT WAS FOUGHT AT VAL DES DUNES. 

The King of France, upon hearing the words that 
William spoke, and the complaints he made, sent 
forth and summoned his army, and came quickly 
into Normandy. And William called together the 
Cauchois, and the men of Roem, and of Roumoiz 1 , 
and the people of Auge, and of the Lievin 2 , and 
those of Evreux, and of the Evrecin. In Oismeiz 
also they quickly assembled when the summons 
reached them. 



1 Rouen, and the district attached. 2 The pays de Lisieux. 
( 



18 THE CHRONICLE 

Between Argences and Mezodon 3 , upon the 
river Lison 4 , the men of France pitched their tents; 
and those of the Normans, who held fast to Wil- 
liam, and came in his cause, made their camp near 
the river Meance, which runs by Argences 5 . 

When the Viscount of the Costentin, and the Vis- 
count of the Bessin knew that William was com- 
ing, and was determined to fight, and had brought 
with him the King of France, in order to conquer 
them with his aid, they gave heed to evil counsel ; 
and in the pride of their hearts, disdained to res- 
tore to him his own, or to seek peace or accept it. 
They sent for their people, their friends and rela- 
tions, from all quarters; the vavassors and the 
barons, who were bound by oath to obey their com- 
mandment, were all sent for and summoned. They 
passed by various rivers and fords, and assembled 
at Valedune. 

Valedune is in Oismeiz, between Argences and 
Cingueleiz 6 ; about three leagues from Caen, accord- 
ing to my reckoning. The plain is long and broad, 



Oismeiz is the pays d'Exmes. J Argences and Mezidon, both 
situate in the pays d'Auge. 4 Laison. 5 All the topogra- 
phical details concerning this battle of Yai-des-dunes are stated 
to be perfectly correct, and to show W ace's acquaintance with tin 
neighbourhood. c A small district, of which llarcourt- Tinny 
is the principal place. 7 Valmeray, near Croissanville. 8 ' Li 
cumunes,' the troops broughl by the barons from their villages 
and towns. See the very curious passage in Wace, vol. i. page 



OF THE CONQUEST. 19 

without either hill or valley of any size. It is near 
the ford of Berangier, and the land is without either 
wood or rock, but slopes towards the rising sun. 
A river bounds it towards the south and west. 

At Saint Brigun de Valmerei 7 , mass was sung 
before the king on the day of that battle, and the 
clerks were in great alarm. The French armed 
and arranged their troops at Valmerei, and then 
entered Valedune. There the communes 8 assem- 
bled well equipped, and occupied the river's bank. 
William advanced from Argences, and passing at 
the ford of Berangier, followed the river's course 
till he joined the French. His men were on the 
right, and the French on the left hand, with their 
faces towards the west, for their enemies came 
from that quarter. 

Raol Tesson de Cingueleiz 9 saw the Normans 
and French advancing, and beheld William's force 
increasing. He stood on one side afar off, having 
six score knights and six in his troop ; all with 
their lances raised, and trimmed with silk tokens 10 . 



307, as to another sense of ' cumune,' in his account of the 
popular insurrection against Duke Richard II. 9 One of the 
greatest proprietors in Normandy : we shall find his son subse- 
quently, as one of those present at Hastings. 
10 Tuit aloent lances levees 
Et en totes guimples fermees. 
M. Pluquet in his notes interprets guimples as ' cornettes de 
taffetas attachees a la lance :' for which purpose the knights may 



20 THE CHRONICLE 

The king and Duke William spoke together; each 
armed, and with helmet laced. They divided their 
troops, and arranged their order of battle, each 
holding in his hand a baston ; and when the king 
saw Raol Tesson with his people standing far off 
from the others, he was unable to discover on whose 
side he was, or what he intended to do. " Sire," 
said William, " I believe those men will aid me ; 
for the name of their lord is Raol Tesson, and he 
has no cause of quarrel or anger against me." 
Much was thereupon said and done, the whole of 
which I never heard ; and Raol Tesson still stood 
hesitating whether he should hold with William. 

On the one hand the viscounts besought him, 
and made him great promises ; and he had before 
pledged himself, and sworn upon the saints at 
Bayeux, to smite William wherever he should find 
him. But all his men besought and advised him 
for his good, not to make war upon his lawful 
lord, whatever he did ; nor to fail of his duty to 
him in any manner. They said William was his 
natural lord ; that he could not deny being his 
man ; that he should remember having done him 
homage before his father and his barons; and that 
the man who would fight against his lord had no 



have already learned lo adopt the colours or tokens of their 
ladies. " ' Thor-aide/ according to M. Pluquet, which \\e 

considers may have been derived from the ancient North-nun. 



OF THE CONQUEST. 21 

light to fief or barony. 

"That I cannot dispute/' said Raol; "you say 
well, and we will do even so." So he spurred his 
horse forth from among the people with whom he 
stood, crying Tur aie 11 ; and ordering his men 
to rest where they were, went to speak with Duke 
William. He came spurring over the plain, and 
struck his lord with his glove, and said laughingly 
to him, " What I have sworn to do that I perform ; 
I had sworn to smite you as soon as I should find 
you; and as I would not perjure myself, I have 
now struck you to acquit myself of my oath, and 
henceforth I will do you no further wrong or 
felony/' Then the duke said, " Thanks to thee !" 
and Raol thereupon went on his way back to his 
men. 

William passed along the plain, leading a great 
company of Normans, seeking the two viscounts, 
and calling out on the perjured men to stand forth. 
Those who knew them pointed them out on the 
other side among their people. 

Then the troops were to be seen moving with their 
captains; and there was no rich man or baron 
there who had not by his side his gonfanon, or 
other enseigne, round which his men might rally ; 



Another MS, reads * Turie :' and M. Le Prevost considers the 
latter to be the true reading, and that the cry was really Thury, 
and most probably referred to the chief seat of Raol Tesson. 



22 THE CHRONICLE 

and cognizances or tokens, and shields painted in 
various guises 12 . There was great stir over the 
field ; horses were to be seen curvetting, the pikes 
were raised, the lances brandished, and shields 
and helmets glistened. As they gallop, they cry 
their various war cries: those of France cry, Mont- 
joie ! the sound whereof is pleasant to them. 
William cries, Dex Aie ! which is the signal of 
Normandy ; and Renouf cries loudly, Saint 
Sever, Sire Saint Sevoir 13 ; and Dam as-denz 
goes crying out, Saint Amant ! Sire Saint 
Am a nt 14 !" Great clamour arose in their onset; 
all the earth quaked and trembled ; knights were 
pricking along, some retiring, others coming up ; 
the bold spurring forward, the cowards shrinking 
and trembling. 

Against the King of France and the Frenchmen 
came up the body of the Costentinese ; each party 
closing with the other, and clashing with levelled 
lances. When the lances broke and failed, then 
they assailed each other with swords. Hand to 
hand they fight, as champions in the lists, when 
two knights are matched ; striking and beating 
each other down in many ways ; wrestling and 

12 Congnoissances u entre-sainz, 
De plusors guises escuz painz. 
,: ' The cry of Saint Sever! has been noticed in a preceding note. 
14 The church of the commune called le vieux Thorigri) is stated 
to have been dedicated to St. Amand : but see the observations 



OF THE CONQUEST. 23 

pushing and triumphing whenever any one yields. 
Each would be ashamed to flee, each tries to keep 
the field, each one boasts of his prowess with his 
fellow; Costentinese 15 and French thus contending 
with each other. 

Great is the clamour and hard the strife ; the 
swords are drawn, the lances clash. Many were 
the vassals to be seen there fighting, Serjeants and 
knights overthrowing one another. The king him- 
self was struck and beat down off his horse. A 
Norman whom no one knew had come up among 
them; he thought that if the king should fall, his 
army would soon be dispersed ; so he struck at 
him ' de travers,' and overthrew him, and if his 
hauberk had not been very good, in my opinion 
he would have been killed. On this account the 
men of that country said, and yet say, jeering, 

From Costentin came the lance 

That struck down the King of France 16 . 

and if their knight had got clear away, they might 
well pass with their jeer. But when he tried to 
go off, and his horse had begun its course, a knight 
came pricking, and hit him, striking him with such 

in Mem. Ant. Norm. v. 221. 15 Men of the Cotentin, a dis- 
trict comprehended in, though not so large as, the present de- 
partment of La Manche. 

16 De Costentin iessi la lance, 
Ki abati le rei de France. 



24 THE CHRONICLE 

violence as to stretch him out at full length. And 
he soon fared still worse than even that ; for as he 
recovered himself, and would have mounted his 
horse, and had laid his hand on the saddle bow, 
the throng increased around, and bore him from 
the saddle, throwing him down ; and the horses 
trod him underfoot, so that they left him there for 
dead. 

There was great press to raise the king up, and 
they soon remounted him. He had fallen among 
his men, and was no way hurt nor injured : so he 
arose up nimbly and boldly ; never more so. As 
soon as he was on horseback, many were the vas- 
sals who were again to be seen striking with lance 
and sword ; Frenchmen assaulting Normans, and 
Normans turning, dispersing, and moving off the 
field : and the king shewed himself every where in 
order to encourage his men, as he had been seen 
to fall. 

[Then Hamon-as-denz was beaten down, and I 
know not how many of his kindred with him, who 
never returned home thence, save as they might 



17 Maissy, arrondissement. of Bayeux. I8 Creully, Croleium, 
or Credolium, in the arrondissement of Caen ; celebrated for its 
castle, and the lords of the name, who also held among others the 
chateau de Gratot. Mem. Ant. Norm. ii. 251. Thorigny and 
Creully passed with one of Robert Fitz ITamon's daughters to 
Robert, Earl of Gloucester, natural son of Henry I. |; ' The 

Chronicle of Normandy says it was Guillesen, uncle of Hamon, 



OF THE CONQUEST. 25 

be borne home on their biers. Dan as-denz was 
a Norman, very powerful in his fief, and in his 
men. He was Lord of Thorigny, of Mezi 17 , and of 
Croillie 18 . He had fought on all day, striking down 
the Frenchmen, and crying out Saint Am ant ! 
but a Frenchman marked him carrying himself 
thus proudly; so he stood still on one side, and 
watched him until he came near ; and when he saw 
him turn and strike the king 19 , the Frenchman 
charged forward with great force, and struck him 
gallantly, so that he fell upon his shield. I know 
not exactly how he was wounded, but only that 
he was carried away on his shield dead ; and was 
borne thence to Esquai 20 , and buried before the 
church. Many were the people who saw this feat 
done ; how Hamon struck the king, and beat him 
off his horse, and how the French killed him for 
it, taking vengeance for their king.] 

Raol Tesson stood by and looked on, till he saw 
the two hosts meeting, and the knights jousting; 
then he rode forward, and his course was easy to 
be marked. I know not how to recount his high 



who overthrew the king ; William of Malmesbury says it was 
Hamon himself. There is some obscurity in the account of this 
assault on the king. The passage marked with brackets looks 
like merely another version of the incident just before related ; 
thus incorporating perhaps the various readings of two MSS. in- 
stead of selecting one. 20 Notre dame d'Esquai is on the banks 
of the Orne, near Vieux. There is, however, another Esquai, a 



26 THE CHRONICLE 

deeds, nor how many he overthrew on that day. 

Renouf the Viscount (I will not dwell long on 
the story) had with him a vassal named Harde 21 , 
born and bred at Bayeux, who rode in the front 
of all, and gloried much in his prowess ; William 
rushed against him, sword in hand, and aiming 
his blow aright, drove the trenchant steel into his 
body below the chin, between the throat and the 
chest, his armour not saving him. The body fell 
backward to the earth, and the soul passed away 
therefrom. 

Renouf saw how the combat raged ; he heard 
the clamour, the cry of war, and the clashing of 
lances ; and he stood still, and was astounded, like 
one whose heart is faint. He feared much lest he 
were betrayed, and lest Neel had fled ; and he was 
greatly afraid of William, and of the people who 
were with him. Evil betide him, he thought, if 
he were taken, and worse still would it be to be 
killed. He repented of having put on his armour, 
and was eager to get out of the battle ; so he wan- 
dered in front and in rear, and at last, separating 
himself from his companions, determined to flee. 
Accordingly he threw away his lance and shield, 
and took to flight, running off with outstretched 
neck. Those about him who were cowards accom- 



league from Bayeux. 2I The Chronicle of Normandy calls him 
Bardon; Dumoulin says he was nephew to Grimoult. Another 



or THE CONQUEST. 27 

panied his flight, complaining much more than 
they had any occasion. 

But Neel fought on gallantly ; and if all had 
been like him, the French king would have come 
in an evil hour, for his men would have been dis- 
comfited and conquered. He was called on ac- 
count of his valour and skill, his bravery and noble 
bearing, Chief de Faucon; — Noble Chief de 
Faucon was his title. He gave and received 
many a blow, and did all that lay in his power ; 
but his strength began to fail ; he saw that many 
of his men were lying dead, and that the French 
force increased on all sides, while the Normans 
fell away. Some fell wounded around him ; some 
took fright and fled ; and Neel at length quitted 
the field with more regret than he had ever before 
felt. 

I will not tell, and in truth I do not know, (for 
I was not there to see, and I have not found it 
written) which of those present fought best ; but 
this I know, that the king conquered, and that 
Renouf fled from the field. The crowd of fugitives 
was great, and the press of the pursuers was great 
also. Horses were to be seen running loose, and 
knights spurring across the plain. They sought 
to escape into the Bessin, but feared to cross the 



MS. reads Hardre\ 22 The Orne. - 3 Allemagne and St. 

Andre de Fontenay, boih in the arrondissement of Caen. There 



28 THE CHRONICLE 

Osgne 22 . All fled in confusion between Alemaigne 
and Fontenai 23 ; by fives, by sixes, and by threes, 
while the pursuers followed, pressing hard upon 
and destroying them. So many of them were 
driven into the Osgne, and killed or drowned there, 
as that the mills of Borbillon 2t , they say, were 
stopped by the dead bodies. 

And the king then gathered together his men, 
to return each into his own land. The sick and 
wounded were carried away, and the dead were 
buried in the cemeteries of the country. 

William remained in his own land, and for a 
long while there w T as no more war. The barons 
came to accord with him, and paid such fines, and 
made him such fair promises, that he granted them 
peace, and acquittance of all their offences. But 
Neel could not come to an arrangement with him, 
and dare not stay in the land ; so he remained long- 
in Brittany before any accord was come to. Gui 
retreated from Valedune and fled to Brione ; and 
William followed hard after him, and shut him up 
in a strong castle. In those days there was a for- 
tress standing on an island of the river Riste 25 , 



was an abbey of ancient foundation at the latter. 54 The 

Chronicle of Normandy reports the same. ^ Brionne is on 

the Risle. The castle here described must not be confounded 
with the one whose remains still exist. There is no vestige of 
the old castle on the island. See an article on Brionne in Man. 
Ant. Norm; iv. 415. Ordericus Yitalis says the siege lasted 



OF THE CONQUEST. 29 

which surrounds the fortress and the mansion. 
And there, in Brione, Gui was shut up ; but lie 
had neither peace nor rest, and was in great bodily 
fear. The duke built up two castles near ; so that 
provisions failing, and the besiegers pressing him 
hard, Gui surrendered up Brione and Vernun, when 
he could get no better terms. He might have re- 
mained with the duke, who would have provided 
for him ; but he did not stay long ; there was no 
friendship between them ; so he went away to Bur- 
guine- 6 , to the country where he was born. 

When the other Norman barons saw that the 
duke had obtained the upper hand of them all, 
they delivered hostages to keep the peace, and did 
fealty and homage to him. They obeyed him as 
their lord, and pulled down the new castles, and 
willingly or unwillingly rendered their service. He 
seized Grimoult del Plesseiz, and put him in pri- 
son at Rouen ; and he had very good cause for so 
doing ; for Grimoult would have murdered him 
traitorously, as we have said, at Valognes, had not 
Golet the fool given him warning. Grimoult con- 
fessed the felony, and accused of fellowship in it 



three years. 2G Burgundy. " The name Salle and Saulz 

occurs in this district in Gallia Christiana. There is a Saulx- 
mesnil near Valognes, the scene of the treachery planned against 
William. 28 The charter of donation to Bayeux is in Gallia 
Christiana, and is dated 1074. Among the witnesses are Robert 
Fitz Ilamon, son of one of the traitors, and Eudo Dupifcr, one 



30 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 

a knight called Salle 27 , who had Huon for his 
father. Salle offered to defend himself from the 
charge, and a single combat was thereupon ar- 
ranged between them ; but when the appointed day 
came, Grimoult was found dead in the prison. It 
occasioned great talk ; and he was buried, chained 
as he was, with the irons on his legs. At Bayeux, 
when the church was dedicated, part of Grimoult's 
lands was granted to Our Lady the Blessed Mary; 
and part divided in the abbey, to each his share 28 . 



of Hubert de Rie's sons. The curious inquest of the possessions 
of the see of Bayeux, (taken temp. Hen. I. and printed in Mem. 
Ant. Norm. vol. viii.) of which the list of Bayeux knights in the 
Norman Roll of the Red book is only an abridgement, says, in 
speaking of Grimoult, * in carcere regis apud Rothomagum mor- 
tuus est ; et sepultus in cimiterio Sti. Gervasii extra villam ; 
habens adhuc tibias in compedibus ferreis, in signum proditionis, 
de qua erat ab ipso rege accusatus.' In the roll, which agrees 
with the inquest, is this entry, ' Feodum Grimundi de Plesseiz 
erat fcedum 8 mil. cum terra de Bougeio et de Danvou, quam 
Grimundus dederat Willelmo de Albinneio cum sorore sua in 
maritagio.' Further particulars are given in the inquest, and in 
the Bull of Eugenius III. 1144, also printed in Mem. Ant. 
Norm. viii. The word 'abbey' is probably only used here by 
Wace to suit his rhyme ; though the Chronicle of Normandy, 
improving upon the error, says the abbey of Caen. Wace meant 
to allude to an appropriation of Grimoult's lands among the pre- 
bends ; and in fact, in the Bayeux inquest, it is stated that Odo 
created out of them seven prebends; retaining in demesne Plessis, 
and the forest of Montpinpon, 



CHAPTER III. 

HOW CANUTE DIED, AND ALFRED FELL BY TREASON ; 

AND HOW EDWARD AFTERWARDS 

BECAME KING. 

He who made the history of the Normans, tells us 
that in those days * Kenut, who was father of Har- 
dekenut, and had married Emma, the wife of Ai- 
red 2 , the mother of Edward and of Alfred, died at 
Winchester. Hardekenut, during the lifetime of his 
father, by the advice of his mother Emma, had 
gone to Denmark, and became king there, and was 
much honoured. On account of Hardekenut's ab- 
sence, and by an understanding with her, England 
fell to Herout 3 , a bastard son of Kenut. 

Edward and Alfred heard of Kenut's death, and 
were much rejoiced ; for they expected to have the 
kingdom, seeing that they were the nearest heirs. 
So they provided knights and ships, and equipped 



1 Canute died 12th November, 1035, or four months and a 
half after Duke Robert; so that Wace here retraces his steps to 
take up English affairs. 2 Ethelred. Edward and Alfred 

are spelt by Wace, Ewart and Alvred. 3 Harold. 4 Bar- 

n 



34 THE CHRONICLE 

their fleet; and Edward, having sailed from Barbe- 
flo 4 , with forty ships, soon arrived at the port of 
Hantone, hoping to win the land. But the English- 
men, who were aware that the brothers were coming, 
would not receive them, nor suffer them to abide 
in the country. Whether it was that they feared 
Herout the son of Kenut, or that they liked him 
best ; at any rate they defended the country against 
Edward; and the Normans on the other hand 
fought them, taking and killing many, and seizing 
several of their ships. But the English force in- 
creased ; men hastened up from all sides, and Ed- 
ward saw that he could not win his inheritance 
without a great loss. He beheld the enemy's force 
fast growing in numbers, and that he should only 
sacrifice his own men ; so fearing that, if taken, he 
himself might be killed without ransom, he order- 
ed all his people to return to the ships, and took 
on board the harness. He could do no more this 
time, so he made his retreat to Barbeflo. 

Alfred meantime sailed with a great navy from 
Wincant 5 ; and arriving safely atDovre, proceeded 
thence into Kent. Against him came the earl God- 
win 6 , who was a man of a very low origin. His 
wife was born in Denmark, and well related among 



fleur. This expedition took place in 1036. Hantone is Hamp- 
ton, probably Southampton. 5 This port seems to have 
been Wissant, between Calais and Boulogne : see William of 



OF THE CONQUEST. 35 

the Danes, and he had Heraut, Guert, and Tosti 
for his sons. On account of these children, who 
thus came by a Dane, and were beloved by their 
countrymen, Godwin loved the Danes, much better 
in fact than he did the English. 

Hearken to the devilry that was now played; to 
the great treason and felony that were committed ! 
Godwin was a traitor, and he did foul treason ; a 
Judas did he show himself, deceiving and betray- 
ing the son of his natural lord, — the heir to the 
honor (lordship), — even as Judas sold our Lord. He 
had saluted and kissed him ; he had eaten too out 
of his dish, and had pledged himself to bear faith 
and loyalty. But at midnight, when Alfred had 
laid down to rest and slept, Godwin surprised and 
bound him; and sent him to London to king He- 
rout, who expected him, knowing of the treason. 
From thence he sent him to Eli, and there put out 
his eyes and murdered him dishonourably, and by 
treachery which he dared not to avow. Those too 
who came with Alfred (hearken to the foul cruelty !) 
were bound fast and guarded ; and taken to Gede- 
fort 7 , where all, except every tenth man, lost their 
heads and died miserably. When the English had 
numbered them, setting them in rows, they then de- 



Jumieges and the Encomium Emma. Alfred went by land to 
the Boulognese. 6 Spelt Gwine by Wace. 7 Guildford, in 
•Surrey. 8 Hardicanute died 10th July, 1042. Edward's 



CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 37 

cimated them, making every tenth man stand on 
one side, and striking off the heads of the other nine; 
and when the tithe so set apart amounted to a 
considerable number, it was again decimated, and 
all that was at last saved was this second tithe. 

Herout soon after died, and went the way he de- 
served ; whereupon the men of England assembled 
to consider about making a king in his place. They 
feared Edward who was the right heir, on account 
of the decimation of the Normans, and the murder 
of his brother Alvred ; and at last they agreed to 
make Hardekenut king of England. . So they sent 
for Hardekenut, the son of Emma and Kenut, and 
he repaired thither from Denmark, and the clergy 
crowned him : but he sent for Edward his brother, 
the son of Emma his mother, and kept him in 
great honour at his court, and was king over him 
only in name. Hardekenut was king twelve years, 
and then fell ill. He did not languish long, but soon 
died. His mother lamented over him exceedingly; 
but it was a great comfort to her that her son Ed- 
ward was come ; and he obtained the kingdom 8 , 
the English finding no other heir who was entitled 
to the crown. 

Edward was gentle and courteous, and establish- 
ed peace and good laws. He took to wife Godwin's 



conduct to his mother was not consistent with any sense of ob- 
ligation towards her, nor indeed with his own generally received 



38 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 

daughter, Edif 9 by name. She was a fair lady, 
but they had no children between them, and people 
said that he never consorted with her ; but no man 
saw that there was ever any disagreement between 
them 10 . He loved the Normans very much, and held 
them dear, keeping them on familiar terms about 
him ; and loved duke William as a brother or child. 
Thus peace lasted, and long will last, never I hope 
to have an end 11 . 



character. See an anecdote in Roger Hoveden, 1043. 9 Or 
Editha. ' Sicut spina rosam genuit Godwinus Editham.' In- 
gulfs account of her kindness, literary tastes, and liberality, in 
giving him money, as well as access to the royal larder, may be 
seen in his chronicle, and is quoted in the collection of Norman 
historians by Mascres. As to her matrimonial position with her 
husband, Wace's words are 

E co alouent la gent, disant 

Ki charnelment od li ne jut, 

Ni charnelment ne la conut : 

Maiz unkes horn ne 1'aparcut, 

Ne mal talent entrels ne fut. 

10 Wace seems not aware that Editha, at the time of the disgrace 
of her family, was stripped of all she had, and sent to a convent. 

11 Wace would appear here to be merely translating some co- 
temporary chronicle; — perhaps the same, as he begins this part 
of his story by quoting. 



CHAPTER IV. 

THE REVOLT OF WILLIAM OF ARQUES ', AND HOW 

HE AND THE KING OF FRANCE WERE 

FOILED BY DUKE WILLIAM. 

William of Arches was a brave and gallant 
knight 1 , brother to the archbishop Maugier, who 
loved him well. He was also brother on one side 
to duke Robert, being the son of Richard and 
Papie, and uncle of William the bastard. He was 
versed in many a trick and subtlety, and plotted 
mischief against the duke, claiming a right of 
inheritance, inasmuch as he was born in wedlock. 
On account of his relationship, and to secure his 
fealty, the duke had given him, as a fief, Arches 
and Taillou 2 ; and he received them and became 
the duke's man; promising fealty, though he ob- 
served it but for a very brief space of time. To 
enable him the better to work mischief to his lord, 
he built a tower above Arches, setting it on the 



1 The adventure of William of Arques is out of chronological 
order in Wace, who, however, follows William of Jumicges. 
a Arques is the capital of the district around, formerly called 
Tallou, Tellau, or Tallogium. 3 The MSS. differ ; we follow 



42 THE CHRONICLE 

top of the hill 3 , with a deep trench around on every 
side. Then confiding in the strength of his castle, 
and in his birth in wedlock, and knowing that the 
king of France had promised to succour him in 
case of need, he told William he should hold his 
castle free from all service to him ; that he was in 
wrongful possession of Normandy, being a bastard 
and without any title of right. 

But the duke had now great power ; for he was 
very prudent, and no man is weak who possesses 
wisdom. He sent for William of Arches, and sum- 
moned him to attend, and do his service : but he 
altogether refused, and defied the bastard, relying 
on aid from the king of France. He plundered 
the country round of provisions and stores of every 
sort, heeding little whence it came, and thus sup- 
plied his castle and tower. 

The duke bore with this behaviour but a very 
little while, and without further ' parlement ' sent 
for his people from all sides. Then with ditches and 
stakes and palisades he quickly formed a fort 4 , at the 
foot of the hill in the valley, so as to command all 
the country round, and prevent those in the castle 
from obtaining either ox, or cow, or calf: and the 
fort was so strong, and was garrisoned by so many 
knights, the best of the chivalry of all Normandy, 



Duchesne's. M. Pluquet's text reads ' La tur fut fete el pic del 
raunt.' ' 'Chastetttan,' afterwards * Chastelet.' ■ St. Aubin- 



OF THE CONQUEST. 43 

that no effort of either king or earl to take it, was 
likely to be of any avail. So the duke, having thus 
completed his work, went his way to attend to his 
affairs elsewhere. 

The king of France soon knew that the duke 
had fortified his post, and blockaded the tower, so 
that no provisions could enter therein. Then he 
assembled a great chivalry, and got together much 
store of provisions and arms, intending to relieve 
the tower of Arches, where the supply of corn be- 
gan to fail. Having reached Saint- Albin 5 , with an 
ample store both of corn and wine, the king made 
a halt, ordering sumpter horses to be made ready 
to carry the stores onward, and providing a troop of 
knights to form the convoy. 

Those in the besiegers' fort soon heard of the 
great preparations waiting at Saint-Albin to provi- 
sion and relieve Arches. Then they selected their 
strongest and best fighting men, and privily formed 
an ambuscade in the direction of Saint-Albin. 
Having done this, they sent out another party with 
orders to charge the king's force, and then to turn 
back, making as if they would flee. But when 
they had passed the spot where the ambuscade 
lay, they turned quickly round on those who were 
pursuing, and fiercely attacked the French ; those 



le-Cauf, on the other side of the valley. There is another St. 
Aubin, south of Arqnes. " Hugh Bardolf, a distinguished 



44 THE CHRONICLE 

also who were lying in ambuscade riding forth, and 
joining in the assault. 

The Frenchmen were thus grievously taken in; 
and being separated from the rest of their army, the 
Normans charged them boldly, and took and killed 
many. Hue Bardous 6 was taken early in the af- 
fray; Engerrens count of Abevile 7 , was killed, and 
all suffered greatly. The king of France was in 
great grief; he mourned heavily, and was sorely 
vexed for the knights that had been thus surprised, 
and for his brave barons who had fallen. He made 
ready the baggage horses, and carried the stores 
to the town of Arches; and when he had so done, 
he returned back to Saint-Denis with no small 
shame and disgrace, as it seems to me. 

The duke was sojourning at Valognes, for the 
sake of the woods and rivers which abound there, 
and on other affairs and business of his own, when 
a messenger came spurring on with pressing speed, 
and hastening unto him, cried out and said, " Bet- 
ter would it be for thee to be elsewhere ! they who 



name in Norman and English history. In the roll of Norman 
fees in the red book of the Exchequer, we find Doon Bardulf 
returned as one of those, ' qui non venerunt nee miserunt nee 
aliquid dixerunt.' 7 Enguerran, count of Ponthieu, the second 
of the name, nephew of Guy the bishop, who afterwards wrote 
the latin poem on the battle of Hastings, which is now in the 
press at Rouen. He succeeded his father, Hugh II. in 1052; 
and was himself succeeded by his brother Guy, afterwards taken 
prisoner at the battle of Mortemer, their brother Yaleran being 



OF THE CONQUEST. 45 

guard the frontiers have need of thy aid ; for thy 
uncle William of Arches hath linked himself by 
oath and affiance to king Henry of France. The 
king hasteth to relieve and store Arches, and Wil- 
liam will do him service for it in return." 

Then the duke tarried not till the varlet should 
speak further, nor indeed till he had well said his 
say ; but called for his good horse. " Now I shall 
see/' said he, " who of you is ready, now I shall see 
who will follow me." And he made no other pre- 
paration, but forthwith crossed the fords 8 , passed 
Baieues and then Caen, and feigned as though he 
would go to Rouen. But when he came to Punt- 
Audumer, he crossed over to Chaudebec, and from 
Chaudebec rode on to Bans-le-Cunte. What need 
of many words ? He hasted and galloped on till 
he joined his people before Arches; but none of 
those who took horse at the same time at Valognes 
kept up with him ; and all wondered how he had 
come so soon from such a distance, when no one 
else had been able to do as much 9 . 



killed there. Mr. Stapleton has, in the Archaologia, vol. 26, 
shown that this Enguerran married Adelidis, sister of the whole 
blood to the Conqueror ; and that Adelidis, wife of Odo, Count 
of Champagne, was one of her daughters; the other being Judith, 
wife of Waltheof. 8 The fords of St. Clement, which have 

been before noticed. The places next mentioned are Bayeux, 
Pont-Audemer, Caudebec, and Bans or Baons-le-Comte, near 
Ivetot. 9 William of Poitiers varies somewhat from Wace's 

account; he gives William six attendants on this occasion. 



46 



CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 



Then he rejoiced greatly to learn what had hap- 
pened; how the French had been discomfited, and 
their people routed and taken prisoners. William 
of Arches however kept close, defending his castle 
bravely and long ; and he would have held it 
longer still, had not provisions failed him. So at 
length he abandoned land, and castle, and tower ; 
and surrendering all up to duke William, fled to the 
king of France. 




CHAPTER V. 

HOW THE KING OF FRANCE INVADED NORMANDY, 
AND WAS BEATEN AT MORTEMER. 

The French had often insulted the Normans by 
injurious deeds and words, on account of the great 
dislike and jealousy which they bore to Normandy. 
They continually spoke scornfully, and called the 
Normans Bigoz and Draschiers 1 ; and often re- 
monstrated with their king, and said, "Sire, why do 
you not chase the Bigoz out of the country ? Their 
ancestors were robbers, who came by sea, and stole 
the land from our forefathers and us." By the 
persuasion of these felons, who talked thus because 
they hated the duke, the king undertook the en- 
terprise 2 ; though it was disliked by many of his 



1 Bigot has been supposed to have its origin in the By-God 
of a northern tongue ; and to have been used as a war cry by 
early Normans, answering to the later Dex-aie. Anderson, in 
his Genealogical Tables, says, without quoting his authority, 
that Rollo was called By-got, from his frequent use of the phrase. 
See our subsequent note on Bigot as a family name. Draschiers 
is understood to mean consumers of barley, probably as the ma- 
terial of beer. 2 The affair at Mortemer, next related, took 
place in 1054, after the siege and retreat of Arques; which this 



48 THE CHRONICLE 

men. He said he would go into Normandy, and 
would conquer it; he would divide his army into 
two parts, and invade in two directions. And what 
he said, he endeavoured to execute ; summoning 
his people from all sides. 

He collected them in two positions, according as 
the river Seine divided them ; those of Reins and 
those of Seissons, of Leun 3 , and of Noions; those 
of Melant 4 , and of Vermandeiz; of Pontif 5 and of 
Amineiz ; those of Flanders and of Belmont 6 ; of 
Brie and of Provens. All these, who are beyond 
Seine he assembled by twenties, by hundreds, and 
by thousands, in Belveisin, meaning to enter the 
pays de Caux from that side. To the Conestable 
and Guion 7 , he sent his brother Odo 8 , and direct- 
ed them to enter by Caux, and ravage all the land 
around. 

And he summoned all the rest of his people, 
according as the river Seine divides them from the 
others, to meet him at Meante 9 ; those of To- 
roigne and of Bleis ; of Orlianz and of Vastineis ; 



attack was probably meant to revenge. 3 Laon. 4 Meulan. 
5 Ponthieu, and the country of Amiens. 6 Beaumont-sur- 

Oise. 7 Guy, count of Ponthieu, successor of the one killed 
at Arques. 8 Eudes, or Odo, fourth son of King Robert. 
9 Mantes,Touraine,Blois,Orleans, Gatinais. 10 Bourges. "The 
country of Evreux, of Rouen and Lisieux, and of Auge, not that 
of Eu ; the latter, being called in Latin Augum, is sometimes 
confounded with Auge. I3 Walter GlFFARD,wbo will be fur- 



OF THE CONQUEST. 49 

of the Perchc and of the Chartrain ; of the bocage 
and of the plain ; those of Boorges 10 , of Berri ; of 
Estampes and of Montlheri ; of Grez and of Chas- 
teillun ; of Senz and of Chastel-Landun, the king- 
ordered to come to Meante. And he menaced the 
Normans, and boasted much that he would destroy 
Evrecin, Rosmeis, and Lievin 11 , and would ride 
even as far as the sea, returning by Auge. 

William was in great alarm, for he was much 
afraid of the king's power ; and he also formed his 
men into two companies. About Caux, he placed 
Galtier Giffart 12 , and the men of that country ; 
Robert, count d'Ou, and old Huon de Gornai; and 
with these he ranged William Crespin 13 , who had 
much land in Velquessin u . These had under 
them the people of the country around them, their 
relations and friends. The duke retained the other 
company under his own command, to oppose the 
king. He assembled the men of the Beessin, and 
the barons of the Costentin, and those of the valley 
of Moretoing 15 ; and of Avranches, which is beyond 

ther noticed hereafter. 13 William Crespin, son of Gilbert 
I. and eldest brother of Gilbert II. whom we shall meet at the 
battle of Hastings. Wace does not mention Roger de Mortemer , 
who was a prominent leader in this affair, according to Ordericus 
Vitalis, p. 657 ; and fell into disgrace with the Duke, on account of 
the favour shown by him to Itaol de Montdidier,one of the French 
leaders. See note below on Hue de Mortemer. M The Vexin, 
15 Mortain, in La Manche. 16 The pays d'Hy ernes or Exmes. 

E 



50 THE CHRONICLE 

it ; Raol Tesson of Cingueleis, and the knights of 
Auge and of Wismeis l6 ; all these the duke sum- 
moned to meet him. He would, he said, be close 
upon the king, and encamp hard by him, looking 
keenly after the foragers, that they should not 
stray far without having some damage, if he could 
help it; and he caused all provisions to be removed 
from the way by which the king must pass ; and 
drove the beasts into the woods, and made the 
villains keep watch over them there. 

The barons who were stationed in Caux, to de- 
fend that part of the country, kept themselves to 
the woods and forests till the people of the country 
could be got together ; and passed from wood to 
wood, concealing themselves in the thickets. But 
the men of Franee marched on, and encamped at 
Mortemer. They remained there one night for the 
convenience of the hostels ; expecting that they 
could roam as they pleased over the whole country, 
without meeting any knights who would dare to 
encounter, or bear arms against them ; for they 
believed that all the Norman knights were gone 
towards Evreues with their lord, and that he had 
retreated thither from fear of the kino-. 

The Frenchmen demeaned themselves insolently, 
and with great cruelty. Wherever they had passed, 
they destroyed all they found, ravaging the villages 
and manors, burning houses, and plundering them 
of the furniture; seizing the villains, violating tlie 



OF THE CONQUEST. 51 

women, and keeping whatever they pleased ; till 
they had come to Mortemer, where they found 
fair quarters in the hostels. By day they delivered 
the country up to pillage, and devoted the night 
to revelry, searching out the wine and killing the 
cattle, eating and drinking their fill. 

The Normans knew well from their spies where 
the French lay, and what their plans were ; so they 
assembled their men together during the night, 
summoning their friends and companions ; and in 
the morningbefore day-break,while the French were 
yet sleeping, behold ! they surrounded Mortemer, 
and set fire to the town. The flames spread from 
one hostel to another, till the fire raged through all 
the streets. Then the Frenchmen were to be seen 
in consternation: the whole town was in confusion, 
and the melee became fierce ; they rushed from the 
hostels, seizing such arms as they could find, and 
were grievously discomfited, for the Normans stopt 
them at the barriers. One man endeavours to mount 
his horse, but cannot find the bridle ; and another 
would quit his hostel, but is unable to reach the 
door. The Normans guard all the issues, and the 
heads of the streets ; and there the encounters are 
rudest, and the feats of arms the fairest. 

From the rising of the morning's sun, till three 
in the afternoon, the assault lasted in its full force, 
and the battle continued to be hot and fierce. The 
French could not escape, for the Normans would 



CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 53 

let no one pass. The first who quitted the field 
and fled was Odes ; and the Normans took Guion, 
the count of Pontif, alive and in arms; but they 
killed Valeran his brother, a very brave and va- 
liant knight. There was no varlet, let him be ever 
so mean, or of ever so low degree, but took some 
Frenchman prisoner, and seized two or three horses 
with all their harness; nor was there a prison in 
all Normandy, which was not full of Frenchmen. 
They were to be seen fleeing around, skulking in 
the woods and bushes ; and the dead and wounded 
lay amidst the burning ruins, and upon the dung- 
hills, about the fields, and in the by-paths. 

That same night, the news passed quickly to 
where the duke lay with his army ; how that the 
French were discomfited, and the invasion stayed. 
News travels fast, and is swift; and whoso bears 
good tidings may safely knock at the gate 17 . The 
duke rejoiced greatly at the discomfiture of his 
enemies ; and he sent a man, whether varlet or es- 
quire I know not, to the place where the king was 
encamped, and had retired to his bed. He ordered 
the man to climb up into a tree, and all night to 
cry aloud, "Frenchmen, Frenchmen, arise ! arise! 



17 C'est une chose ke novele, 
Ki mult est errant et isnele, 
E ki bone novele porte 
Seurement bute a la porte. 



54 THE CHRONICLE 

make ready for your flight, ye sleep too long ! Go 
forth at once to bury your friends, who lie dead at 
Mortemer 18 ." 

As the king heard the cry, he marvelled much, 
and was sorely dismayed. So he sent out for his 
friends, and besought and conjured them to tell him 
if they had heard any such tidings as the man pro- 
claimed from the tree. And whilst they yet talked 
and conversed with the king, concerning what had 
happened, behold the news came and spread all 
around, how that the best of their friends lay dead 
at Mortemer, and how they who had escaped alive 
were made captive, and were in chains and in prison 
in Normandy. 

The French were greatly moved and troubled at 
the news, and went crying out that they tarried too 
long. They seized the palfreys and war-horses, 

18 Mortuum-mare in the latin of the day. The chronicle of Nor- 
mandy and Dumoulin cite the following verses, as popular on the 
subject of this battle : 

Reveillez vous et vous levez, 

Francois, qui trop dormi avez ! 

Allez bientot voir vos amys, 

Que les Normans ont a miort mys, 

En tie Ecouys ct Mortemer ! 

La vous convient les inhumer. 
Rut it seems admitted that the battle nevertheless was not at Mor- 
temer-en-Lyons near Ecouys, where the abbey was, but at Moi- 
temer-sur-Eaulne, in the arrondissement of Neufchatcl. Wace's 
account of the proclamation by the varlet— or herald, as others call 
him — (William of Jumieges naming him Half deToeny), runs in 



OF THE CONQUEST. 55 

harnessed and loaded the baggage horses, set fire 
to the tents and huts, emptied them of every thing, 
and sent all on forward ; and the king went off on 
his way homeward, looking cautiously around him. 
Had the duke wished to pursue, he might have in- 
jured him much, but he did not desire to annoy him 
more. " He has had quite enough," said he, " to 
trouble and cross him ;" and he would not add more 
to his annoyance. 

The king returned to Paris, the barons to their 
homes, and the great people whom he had led forth 
returned to their own countries. But his wrath 
against the Normans was very great, on account of 
those whom they had taken prisoners, and still more 
for those who were killed. The dead he could not 
recover, but he wished to redeem those who were 
prisoners ; so he sent word to the duke, that if he 



the original thus : 

La u li reis fu herbergiez, 

Ki en sun liet ert ja cochiez, 

Fist un home tost enveier, 

Ne sai varlet u esquier ; 

En un arbre le fist munter 

E tute nuit en haut crier — 

' Franceiz ! Franceiz ! levez ! levez ! 

* Tenez vos veies, trop dormez ! 

' Alez vos amiz enterrer, 

' Ki sunt occiz a Mortemer !' 

Li reis 6i ke cil cria, 

Merveilla sei, mult s'esmaia ; 



56 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 

would release his prisoners, he would make truce 
and peace with him till other cause of difference 
should arise; and that whatever the duke had taken 
or might take from GifTrei Martel, should never be 
a cause of war between them, or be alleged as a griev- 
ance against him. 

And thereupon accordingly was done as I tell 
you ; the duke restored the Frenchmen who were 
prisoners, but the harness was left to those who had 
won it; and the prisoners repaid to their captors the 
charges they had occasioned to them. 



Par eels ke li plout enveia, 
Demanda lor e conjura 
S'il unt nule novele oie, 
De co ke cil en l'arbre crie. 
Endementres k'al rei parloent, 
E des noveles demandoent, 
Eis vus ! la novele venue 
E par tute terre espandue, 
Ke tut li mielx de lor amiz 
Esteit a Mortemer occiz ; 
E cil ki erent remez vif 
En Normendie erent chetif, 
Miz en anels et en gaoles. 



-HblCsWILLELM 




CHAPTER VI. 

HOW THE KING 01? FRANCE CAME AGAIN AGAINST 

DUKE WILLIAM, AND WAS DEFEATED 

AT VARAVILLE. 

Duke William carried himself gallantly, and tri- 
umphed over all his enemies ; he was loved for his 
liberality, and feared for his bravery. He conquer- 
ed many and won over many, lavishing his gifts 
around, and spending much ; till the French be- 
came very jealous of his chivalry; of the troops that 
he had, and of the lands he conquered. Their king- 
moreover could never be reconciled to the Normans ; 
but said that he would sooner perjure himself, than 
not have his revenge for the battle of Mortemer. 
Then under the advice of GifTrei Martel 1 , before 



We have seen that after the battle of Mortemer, the king of 



58 THE CHRONICLE 

August, when the corn was on the ground, he sum- 
moned together all his barons, and the knights who 
held fiefs of him, and owed him service, and enter- 
ed Normandy, passing by Oismes 2 , which they 
assaulted without tarrying before it long. From 
thence they traversed all Oismes, and through the 
Beessin as far as the sea coast; burning the villages 
and bourgs, and ruining and plundering both men 
and women, till at length they came to St. Pierre- 
sor-Dive. The town was completely garrisoned by 
them, and the king lay at the abbey 3 . 

The duke was with his people at Faleise, when 
the news came, concerning the wrong the king was 
doing him ; and it grieved him sorely. So he sent 
out and assembled his knights, and strengthened 
his castles, cleansing the fosses, and repairing the 
walls ; being determined to let the open country be 
laid waste, if he could maintain his strong places. 
He could easily, he said, recover the open lands, 
and repair the injury done to them. So he did not 
shew himself at all to the French, but let them wan- 
der over the country, intending to give them scurvy 



France abandoned Jeffery Martel ' un quens d'Angou,' a deadly 
enemy to the duke. Wace narrates the feuds between them; and 
among the rest William's terrible revenge on those who, in defend- 
ing Alencon, had annoyed him by allusions to his birth, crying 
out, ' La pel, la pel al parmentier !' These passages of the chro- 
nicle we pass over as not material to our present purpose. 2 Ily- 
emes or Ex&mes, now in the arrondissement of Armenian. ;; The 



OF THE CONQUEST. 59 

usage on their return back from their expedition. 

The king meantime went on with his project. He 
would go, he said, towards Bayeux, and ravage the 
whole of the Beessin,andon his return thence would 
pass by Varavile 4 , and lay waste Auge and Lievin. 
Accordingly the French overran the Beessin, as far 
as the river Seule 5 ; and returned from thence to 
Caen, where they passed the Ogne 6 . Caen was 
then without a castle, and had neither wall nor 
fence to protect it 7 . When the king left Caen, he 
proceeded homeward by Varavile, as he had pro- 
posed. 

His train was great and long, so that it could not 
all be kept together; and the press was great to pass 
the bridge, every one wanting to be the foremost. 

The duke, knowing some how or another all that 
was going on, and by what route the king would 
pass, hastened upon his track with the great body 
of troops that he led, and conducted his people in 
close order along the valley below Bavent 8 . All 
over the country he sent out word, and summoned 
the villains to come to his aid as quickly as they 



abbey of St. Pierre-sur-Dives was founded before 1040, by Les- 
celine, wife of William, count d'Eu. 4 In the arrondissement 
of Caen, near the Dives. 5 A small river passing near Bayeux 
to the sea at Bernieres. 6 The Orne. 7 Huet cites this 

passage in his Origines de Caen. Quesnel (translated abovefence) 
seems properly a wooden barricade, being derived from quesne,or 
chene. 8 A little south of Varaville, along the Dives. 



60 THE CHRONICLE 

could, with whatever arms they could get. Then 
from all round the villains were to be seen flocking 
in, with pikes and clubs in their hands. 

The king had passed the river Dive, which runs 
through that country, together with all those of his 
host who had taken care to move quickly forward. 
But the baggage train was altogether, and far be- 
hind, extending over a great length. The duke, 
seeing that all who were thus in the rear were cer- 
tain to fall into his hands, pressed on his men from 
village to village ; and when he reached Varavile, 
he found those of the French there who remained to 
form the rear guard. Then began a fierce melee, 
and many a stroke of lance and sword. The knights 
struck with their lances, the archers shot from their 
bows, and the villains attacked with their pikes ; 
charging and driving them along the chaussee, over- 
whelming and bearing down numbers. The Nor- 
mans kept continually increasing in numbers, till 
they became a great force, and the French pressed 
forwards, one pushing the other on. The chaussee 
incommoded them very much, being long and in bad 
repair, and they were encumbered by their plunder. 
Many were to be seen breaking the line, and get- 
ting out of the track, who could not retrace their 
steps, nor reach the main road again. 

The great press was at the bridge, every one be- 
ing eager to reach it. But the bridge was old, the 
boards bent under the throng, the water rose, and the 



OF THE CONQUEST. 6\ 

stream was strong; the weight was heavy, the bridge 
shook and at length fell, and all who were upon it 
perished. Many fell in close by the bridge foot where 
the water was deep ; all about harness was to be seen 
floating, and men plunging and sinking; and none 
had any chance of life save skilful swimmers. 

The cry arose that the bridge was broken. Grie- 
vous and fearful was that cry, and no one was so 
brave or bold as not to tremble for his life when he 
heard what had happened, and to see that his hour 
of exultation was gone by. They see the Normans 
meanwhile pressing on from behind, but there was 
no escape ; they go along the banks of the river, 
seeking for fords and crossings, throwing away their 
arms and plunder, and cursing their having brought 
so much. They go straggling and stumbling over 
the ditches, helping each other forward, the Nor- 
mans pursuing and sparing no one, till all those who 
had not crossed the bridge were either taken pri- 
soners, killed, or drowned. Never, they say, were 
so many prisoners taken, or such great slaughter 
made in all Normandy. And William glorified God 
for his success. 

The river and the sea also swept away numbers, 
the king looking on in sorrow and dismay. From 
the height of Basteborc, he looked down and saw 
Varavile and Caborc ; he beheld the marshes and 
the valleys, which lay long and broad before him, 
the wide stream, and the broken bridge ; he gazed 



62 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 

upon his numerous troops thus fallen into trouble; 
some he saw seized and bound, others struggling 
in the deep waters ; and to those who were drown- 
ing he could bring no succour, neither could he 
rescue the prisoners. In sorrow and indignation he 
groaned and sighed, and could say nothing ; all his 
limbs trembled, and his face burned with rage. 
Willingly, he cried, would he turn back, and en- 
deavour to find a passage, if his barons would so 
counsel, but no one would give such advice. " Sire," 
said they, " you shall not go ; you shall return an- 
other time and destroy all the land, taking captive 
all their richest men." 

Then the king went back into France, full of rage 
and heaviness of heart, and never after bore shield 
or lance ; whether as a penance or not I know not. 
He never again entered Normandy : nor did he live 
long,butdidasallmenmustdo; from dust he came, 
to dust he returned. At his death he was greatly 
lamented, and his eldest son Philip 9 was crowned 
king in his stead. 



9 Philip I. was, at Henry's death, in 1060, an infant of seven 
years old. Baldwin, count of Flanders, "William's father-in-law, 
was Philip's guardian; having married Henry's sister. Wace 
calls her Constance, instead of Adela; but Constance was in fact 
the name of her mother, king Robert's queen. See Chap. VII. 




CHAPTER VII. 

HOW WILLIAM PROSPERED, AND HOW HE WENT TO 

ENGLAND TO VISIT KING EDWARD; AND 

WHO GODWIN WAS. 



The story will be long ere it close, how William 
became a king, what honour he reached, and who 
held his lands after him. His acts, his sayings and 
adventures that we find written, are all worthy to 
be recounted ; but we cannot tell the whole. In his 
land he set good laws ; he maintained justice and 
peace firmly, wherever he could, for the poor peo- 
ple's sake, and he never loved the knave nor the 
company of the felon. 



f 
64 THE CHRONICLE 

By advice of his baronage he took a wife 1 of high 
lineage in Flanders, the daughter of count Baldwin, 
and the granddaughter of Robert king of France, 
being the daughter of his daughter Constance. Her 
name was Mahelt 2 , related to many a noble man, 
and very fair and graceful. The count gave her joy- 
fully, with very rich appareillement, and brought 
her to the castle of Ou 3 , where the duke espoused 
her. From thence he took her to Roem, where she 
was greatly served and honoured. 

At Caem the duke built two abbeys, endowing 
them richly. In the one, which was called Saint 
Stephen, he placed monks ; Mahelt his wife took 
charge of the other, which is that of The Holy 
Trinity ; she placed nuns there, and was buried 
in it as she had directed in her life, from the love 



1 The marriage was, it is supposed, in 1053. See the last note 
to Chapter VI. 2 Matilda. The anonymous continuer of 

Wace's Brut says of her; 

Ceste Malde de Flandres fu nee, 

Meis de Escoce fu appelee, 

Pur sa mere ke fu espuse 

Al roi de Escoce ki Tout rove ; 

Laquele jadis, quant fu pucele, 

Ama un conte d'Engleterre. 

Brictrich-Mau le 6i nomer, 

Apres le rois ki fu riche ber. 

A lui la pucele enveia messager 

Pur sa amur a lui procurer : 

Meis Brictrich Maude refusa, 

Dunt ele mult se coruca. 



OF THE CONQUEST. 65 

which she had always used to bear towards it 4 . 

And the duke did what, I believe, no one before 
or after did. He sent 5 for all his bishops to assem- 
ble, with his earls, abbots, and priors, barons and 
rich vavassors, at Caem, there to hear his command- 
ment ; and caused the holy bodies, wherever he 
could find them, to be brought thither, whether from 
bishopric or abbey, over which he had seigniory. 
He had the body of St. Oain 6 taken from Roem to 
Caem in a chest; and when the clergy, and the holy 
relics, and the barons, of whom there were many, 
were assembled on the appointed day,. he made all 
swear on the relics to hold peace and maintain it 
from sunset on Wednesday to sunrise on Monday. 
This was called the truce, and the like of it I be- 
lieve is not in any country. If any man should beat 



Hastivement mer passa 

E a Willam bastard se maria. 
He then relates that after the conquest, Matilda revenged herself 
on this Brictrich-Mau, by seizing him 'a Hanelye, a sun maner,' 
and carrying him to Winchester, where he died ' par treison.' 
See, as to this Brictrich, Dugdale, Monasticon, title Tewkesbury ; 
and Palgrave, English Commonwealth, vol. i. ccxciv. 3 Eu. 

4 The churches of each of these celebrated foundations remain ; we 
shall find William interred in his church; while Matilda's remains 
rested in the other. 5 The ' Truce of God' was introduced in 
Normandy in 1061. If Wace meant to assert that the institution 
originated there, it is of course erroneous. It had existed in other 
countries twenty years before; but the Normans resisted its intro- 
duction among them, till enforced by William's authority, as a 
measure of restraint on their excesses. See Jolimont, Monu- 

F 



66 THE CHRONICLE 

another meantime, or do him any mischief, or take 
any of his goods, he was to be excommunicated, and 
amerced nine livres to the bishop. This the duke 
established, and swore aloud to observe, and all the 
barons did the same ; they swore to keep the peace 
and maintain the truce faithfully. 

To commemorate this peace through all time, that 
it might endure for ever, they forthwith built a min- 
ster of hewed stone 7 and mortar, on the spot where 
they swore upon the relics which had been brought 
to the council. Many who had assisted at found- 
ing the minster called it Toz-sainz 8 , on account of 
so many holy relics having been there; but it plea- 
sed many men to call it Sainte-paiz, on account of 
the peace sworn to when it was built : at least I 
have heard it called both Sainte-paiz and Toz- 
sainz. Close by they built a chapel called Saint- 
Oain's,on the spot where his bones had rested while 
the council sat. 

William was generous, and the strangers who 
knew him, cherished him much. He was very gen- 
tle and courteous, therefore king Edward loved him 
well ; great indeed was their love, each holding the 
other his lord. The duke went to see Edward and 



meats de Calvados, page 42, and plate xx, as to the ruins of the 
church of St. Paix. 6 Saint Ouen. 7 Carreau, or carrel 

— squared, quadrated, or quarried stones, for which the neigh- 
bourhood of Caen became celebrated. B All-Saints. 9 This 



OF THE CONQUEST. 67 

know his mind; and having crossed over into Eng- 
land 9 , Edward received him with great honour, and 
gave him many dogs and birds, and whatever other 
good and fair gifts he could find, that became a man 
of high degree, f He did not tarry long, but returned 
into Normandy ; for he was engaged with the Bre- 
tons, who were at that time disturbing him. 

Godwin had great wealth in England ; he was 
rich in lands, and carried himself proudly. Edward 
had his daughter to wife; but Godwin was fell and 
false, and brought many evils on the land ; and Ed- 
ward feared and hated him on account of his bro- 
ther whom he had betrayed, and of the Normans 
whom he had decimated, and many other mischiefs 
plotted by him. And thus, both in words and deeds, 
great discord arose between them, which was never 
thoroughly healed. Edward feared Godwin much, 
and banished him from the land ; swearing that he 
should never come back, or abide in his kingdom, 
unless he swore fealty to him, and delivered him 
hostages, and pledges for keeping the peace during 
his life. Godwin dared not refuse, and as well to 
satisfy the king, as for the sake of his relations, and 
the protection of his men, he delivered one of his 



journey took place in 1051, during the exile of Godwin and his 
sons; see Higden, Poly chronic on. Most of the old historians 
are silent about it; but it admits of little question, and had im- 
portant influence on subsequent events. See Thierry, i. 220. 



68 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 

nephews and one of his sons 10 as hostages to the 
king. Edward sent them to Duke William in Nor- 
mandy, as to one in whom he placed great trust, 
and desired him to keep them safe till he should 
himself demand them. This looked, people said, as 
if he wished William always to keep them, for the 
purpose of securing the kingdom to himself in case 
of Edward's death. On these terms the king suf- 
fered Godwin to remain at home in peace. I do not 
know how long this lasted, but I know that God- 
win in the end choked himself, while eating at the 
king's table during a feast. 

King Edward was debonaire ; he neither wished 
nor did ill to any man ; he was without pride or 
avarice, and desired strict justice to be done to all 11 . 
He endowed abbeys with fiefs, and divers goodly 
gifts, and Westminster in particular. Ye shall hear 
the reason why. On some occasion, whether of sick- 
ness or on the recovery of his kingdom, or on some 
escape from peril at sea, he had vowed a pilgrimage 
to Rome, there to say his prayers, and crave pardon 
for his sins ; to speak with the apostle, and re- 
ceive penance from him. So at the time he had ap- 
pointed, he prepared for his journey; but the barons 



In 1052. " Benoit de Sainte-More thus describes Edward : 
Ewart li juz e li verais, 
Qui Engleterre tint en pais, 
Cumehauz reis,veirs crestiens, 
Pleins de ducui el de toz biens. 



70 THE CHRONICLE 

met together, and the bishops and the abbots con- 
ferred with each other, and they counselled him by 
no means to go. They said they feared he could 
not bear so great a labour; that the pilgrimage was 
too long, seeing his great age ; that if he should go 
to Rome, and death or any other mischance should 
prevent his return, the loss of their king would be 
a great misfortune to them ; and that they would 
send to the apostle 12 , and get him to grant absolu- 
tion from the vow, so that he might be quit of it, 
even if some other penance should be imposed in- 
stead. Accordingly they sent to the apostle, and 
he absolved the king of his vow, but enjoined him 
by way of acquittance of it, to select some poor ab- 
bey dedicated to St. Peter, honoring and endowing 
it with so many goods and rents, that it might for 
all time to come be resorted to, and the name of St. 
Peter thereby exalted. 

Edward received the injunction of the apostle in 
good part. On the western side of London, as still 



12 The pope. ,3 W ace's Saxon, where it occurs, is very im- 

perfect, and probably his French transcribers (we having no ori- 
ginal MSS.) have made it worse than it was. Zonee or Zon-ey 
is of course Thorn-ey ; the Saxon 'th' being turned into 'z.' An 
old Latin chronicle, quoted by M. Pluquet, has, 'in loco qui 
Thomie tunc dicebatur, et sonat quasi — spinarum insula.' One 
of William's first religious donations was to this his predecessor's 
favourite establishment; and he records in the charter his title to 
the kingdom of England, and the mode he adopted for vindicating 



OF THE CONQUEST. 71 

may be seen, there was an abbey of St. Peter, which 
had for a long time been greatly impoverished ; it 
is situate on an island of the Thames called Zonee 
(Thorn-ee) 13 , so named because there were plenty of 
thorns upon it, and water around it ; for the English 
call an island l ee,' and what the French call 'espine' 
they call ' zon' (thorn); so that <Zon-ee' (Thorn- 
ee) in English means 'isle d'espine' in French. The 
name of Westminster was given to it afterwards, 
when the minster was built. King Edward percei ved 
that there was much to improve at Westminster ; 
he saw that the brotherhood were poor, and the min- 
ster decayed ; and by counsel of clerks and laymen, 
while the country was in prosperity, he with great 
labour and attention, restored and amply endowed 
it -with lands and other wealth. He gave indeed so 
much of his own, of fair villages, rich manors and 
lands, crosses and other goodly gifts, that the place 
will never know want, if things are managed hon- 
estly. But when each monk wants much service, 



it. ' In nomine sanctae et individual Trinitatis, anno Dom. in- 
carn. mix vij°. Ego Willelmus Dei gratia dux Normannorum, 
per misericordiam divinam, et auxilium beatissimi apostoli Petri 
pii fauctoris nostri, favente justo Dei judicio, Angliam veniens,m 
ore gladii regnum adeptus sum, anglorum devicto Haroldo rege, 
cum suis complicibus ; qui michi regnum, providentia Dei des- 
tinatum, et beneficio concessionis domini et cognati mei gloriosi 
regis Edwardi concessum, conati sunt auferre/ See MSS. Cott. 
Faust. A. III. fol. 37, quoted in Ellis, Domesdptfi. 312. 




72 CHRONICLE OF THE COiNQUEST. 

is greedy of money, and makes a purse ; the com- 
mon stock soon wastes accordingly. Thus, however, 
the king restored Westminster, and held the spot 
dear, and loved it well. He also afterwards gave 
so much to St. Edmund (Bury), that the monks who 
dwell there are very rich. 

King Edward was now of a good age ; his reign 
had been long, and to his sorrow he had no child, 
and no near relation to take his kingdom after him, 
and maintain it. He considered with himself who 
should inherit it when he died ; and often bethought 
him, and said he would o-ive his inheritance to duke 
William his relation, as the best of his lineage. 
Robert his father had brought him up, and William 
himself had been of much service to him ; and, in 
fact, all the good he had received had come from 
that line, and he had loved none so well, however 
kindly he might behave to any one else. For the 
honor thereof of his good kinsman, with whom he 
had been brought up, and on account of the great 
worth of William himself, he determined to ninke 
him heir to the realm. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

of iiarold's journey to normandy, and what 
he did there. 

Now in that country of England there was a senes- 
chal \ Heraut 2 by name, a noble vassal, who on ac- 
count of his worth and merits, had great influence, 
and was in truth the most powerful man in all the 
land. He was strong in his own men, and strong 
in his friends, and managed all England as a man 
does land of which he has the seneschalsy. On his 
father's side he was English, and on his mother's 
Danish; Gite 3 his mother being a Danish woman, 
born and brought up in great wealth, a very gentle 
lady, the sister of King Kenut. She was wife to 
Godwin, mother to Harold, and her daughter Edif 4 



1 Seneschal, ' lieutenant du due pour l'administration civile;' 
' ce mot, derive de la langue Franke, signifie proprement servi- 
teur gardien des troupeaux ou gardien de la famille, senes-skalch. 
C etait un office de la maison des rois franks, et, par suite de la 
conquete, une dignite politique de la Gaule.' Thierry, i. 270. 
2 Wace generally writes Harold's name thus; we shall, however, 
henceforth use the usual historical spelling : as also in the case of 
Godwin, whom Wace calls Gwigne, and some of the Norman 
chronicles Gaudvin. 3 Alias Githe or Githa. 4 Ead-githa 
of the Saxon chronicle, who married in 1043, and died in 1075. 



76 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 

was queen. Harold himself was the favourite of his 
lord, who had his sister to wife. When his father 
had died (being choked at the feast), Harold, pity- 
ing the hostages, was desirous to cross over into 
Normandy, to bring them home. So he went to take 
leave 5 of the king. But Edward strictly forbade 
him, and charged and conjured him not to go to 
Normandy, nor to speak with duke William ; for 
he might soon be drawn into some snare, as the duke 
was very shrewd; and he told him, that if he wished 
to have the hostages home, he would choose some 
messenger for the purpose. So at least I have found 
the story written 6 . But another book tells me that 



5 The scene of the Bayeux tapestry opens here. 

6 ' I cannot say how the truth may be, 
I but tell the tale as 'twas told to me.' 
Benoit de Sainte-More sends the archbishop of Canterbury to 
William, at Edward's desire, to convey his intention of leaving- to 
the duke the inheritance of the English crown. 

L'arcevesque de Cantorbire, 

Li plus hauz horn de son empire, 

Out en Normendie tramis, 

Les anz avant, si cum je vos dis, 

Por afermer ce qu'il li done, 

Tot le reaume e la corone. 
And Harold's mission is described as being expressly intended, in 
the following year, to confirm the same bequest : 

Por estre plus certains e meres, 

E qu'il n'i sorsist encombrier, 

Resout l'ovre plus esforcier. 

Hermit, qui quons ert del pais, 

Trestot li plus poestris 



78 THE CHRONICLE 

the king ordered him to go, for the purpose of assur- 
ing duke William, his cousin, that he should have 
the realm after his death. How the matter really 
was I never knew, and I find it written both the 
one way and the other. 

Whatever was the business he went upon, or what- 
ever it was that he meant to do, Harold set out on 
his way, taking the risk of what might fall out. 
What is fated to happen no man can prevent, let 
him be who he will. What must be will come to 
pass, and no one can make it nought. 

He made ready two ships, and took the sea at 
Bodeham 7 . I know not how the mischief was oc- 
casioned; whether the steersman erred, or whether 
it was that a storm arose ; but this I know, that he 
missed the right course, and touched the coast of 
Pontif, where he could neither get away, nor conceal 
himself. A fisherman of that country, who had been 



Que nul ties autres del reiaume, 

Ce lui tramist al due Guillaume, 

Que del regne enterinement 

Tot qui a la corone apeut 

Li feist feute juree, 

Eissi cum ele ert devisee : 

Veut qu'il Ten face serrement 

Et qu'il Ten donge tenement . . . 
7 Bosham, near Chichester; a manor which Domesday shows to 
have belonged to Harold's father Godwin. See Ellis, Domesday, 
i. 310. 8 Guy succeeded his brother Enguerran, William's bro- 
ilicr-in-law, who was killed before Arques. Guy, after being cap- 



OF THE CONQUEST. 79 

in England and had often seen Harold, watched 
him; and knew him, both by his face and his speech ; 
and went privily to Guy, the count of Pontif 8 , and 
would speak to no other ; and he told the count how 
he could put a great prize in his way, if he would 
go with him ; and that if he would give him only 
twenty livres, he should gain a hundred by it, for 
he would deliver him such a prisoner, as would pay 
a hundred livres or more forranson. The count agreed 
to his terms, and then the fisherman showed him 
Harold. They seized and took him to Abbeville ; 
but Harold contrived to send off a message privily 
to duke William in Normandy, and told him of his 
journey ; how he had set out from England to visit 
him, but had missed the right port; and how the 
count of Pontif had seized him, and without any cause 
of offence had put him in prison : and he promised 
that if the duke would deliver him from his capti- 



tured at Mortemer, was, according to Order icus Vitalis, p. 658, 
kept prisoner at Bayeux, and was ultimately released on homage 
and fealty to the duke. See our previous notes on this family, and 
a subsequent one on Aumale. Benoit states positively that a storm 
carried Harold to Ponthieu : 

— trop lor fu la mer sauvage : 

Kar granz tempers e fort orage 

Ne les i laissa ariver : 

Ainceis les covint devaler 

Dreit en Pontif. La pristrent port, 

Eissi ateint e eissi mort ; 

Mieux vousissent estre en sezile. 



80 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 

vity, he would do whatever he wished in return. 

Guy guarded Harold mean time with great care; 
fearing some mischance, he sent him to Belrem 9 , 
that he might be further from the duke. But Wil- 
liam thought that if he could get Harold into his 
keeping, he might turn it to good account ; so he 
made so many fair promises and offers to the ear), 
and so coaxed and flattered him, that he at last gave 
up his prisoner 10 ; and the duke thus got possession 
of him, and gave in return to the count Guy a fair 
manor lying along the river Alne 11 . 



9 Beaurain on the Canche, arrondissement of Hesdin. 10 Ac- 
cording to William of Poitiers, Guy himself conducted his pri- 
soner to William at Eu. Benoit ascribes the surrender to AYil- 
liam's threats and military preparations, for which purpose 

manda li dux ses genz 

Sempres, a milliers e a cenz ; 

Vers Ou chevaucha irascuz 

Dunt Heraut ne li ert renduz. 
11 The Eaulne. 12 ' Tales togeder thei told, ilk on a good 

palfray.' Robert Brunncs Chronicle, quoted in Thierry, i. 250. 
Benoit de Sainte-More says of this part of the story, 

Od que li Dux out jostces, 

Mult granz e mult desmesurees : 

Por aller essilier Bretons, 

Vers lui torcenos e felons 

Qui n'el deignoient sopleier, 

Le mena od sei osteier ; 

La fist de lui si grant cherte 

("unc tant n'out de sa volunte, 

Ne fu mil leu mais taut joi'z 

Qu'il cil afaires fu feniz. 



CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 83 

William entertained Harold many days in great 
honour, as was his due. He took him to many rich 
tournaments, arrayed him nobly, gave him horses 
and arms, and led him with him into Britanny — I 
am not certain whether three or four times — when 
he had to fight with the Bretons 12 . And in the mean- 
time he bespoke Harold so fairly, that he agreed to 
deliver up England to him, as soon as king Edward 
should die; and he was to have Ele 13 , one of Wil- 
liam's daughters, for his wife if he would ; and to 
swear to all this if required, William also binding 
himself to those terms. 

To receive the oath, he caused a parliament to be 
called. It is commonly said that it was at Bayeux 14 
that he had his great council assembled. He sent 



13 Adela. According to Ordericus Vitalis it was Agatha, another 
daughter. He adds a pathetic story as to her falling in love with 
Harold, and dying of grief at her disappointment, and at an at- 
tempt made to consign her to a new match with the king of Gal- 
licia. See Maseres's note, p. 103, and Mr. Amyot's dissertation 
in the Archaologia. The story of her attachment to Harold is ra- 
ther inconsistent with the date of 1053, usually assigned to Wil- 
liam's marriage ; as his daughter would not be more than eleven 
years old at Harold's visit. The date, however, of the marriage is 
uncertain. See a note in M. Deville's volume on St. Georges 
de Bocherville. According to Benoit de Sainte-More, it was part 
of the agreement that Harold should not only have "Aeliz la proz 
e la sage," but with her " del regne une moitie." Nothing is said 
by him of any contrivance as to the relics on which the oath was 
administered. The oath and agreement, as narrated by him, will 
be found in the appendix 1. M Ordericus Vitalis fixes 



CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 85 

for all the holy bodies thither, and put so many of 
them together as to fill a whole chest, and then co- 
vered them with a pall ; but Harold neither saw 
them, nor knew of their being there ; for nought 
was shewn or told to him about it; and over all was 
a philactery, the best that he could select; oil 
de boef 15 , I have heard it called. When Harold 
placed his hand upon it, the hand trembled, and 
the flesh quivered ; but he swore, and promised up- 
on his oath, to take Ele to wife, and to deliver up 
England to the duke: and thereunto to do all in 
his power, according to his might and wit, after the 
death of Edward, if he should live, so help him God 
and the holy relics there ! Many cried "God grant 
it 16 !" and when Harold had kissed the saints, and 



the scene at Rouen, and William of Poitiers at Bonneville-sur- 
Touques. The latter places the event before the expedition to 
Brittany ; which, except on Wace's authority, is not known to 
have occurred more than once. 15 Either from its figure or the 
ornaments upon it. ,6 ' Ki Dex li dont !" It is unnecessary to 
observe how variously these events have been told. In the words 
of William of Malmsbury, < Lectorem premonitum velim, quod 
hie quasi ancipitem viam narrationis video, quia Veritas factorum 
pendet in dubio.' The accounts of Thierry, Sir Francis Palgrave, 
and Depping, may be referred to as those of the latest writers. 
In Wace we are following the story of a Norman, as told at a 
Norman court : but on the whole there is little in his history that 
is at variance with probability, or with the best evidence on the 
subject. It will be observed that he does not go the full length of 
some of the Norman historians, in pretending that the English 
nation gave any formal assent to Edward's views as to the dispo- 
sition of his kingdom in favour of his kinsman William. 



86 



CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST 



had risen upon his feet, the duke led him up to the 
chest, and made him stand near it ; and took off 
the chest the pall that had covered it, and shewed 
Harold upon what holy relics he had sworn ; and 
he was sorely alarmed at the sight. 

Then when all was ready for his journey home- 
ward, he took his leave ; and William exhorted him 
to be true to his word, and kissed him in the name 
of good faith and friendship. And Harold passed 
freely homeward, and arrived safely in England. 




CHAPTER IX. 

HOW KING EDWARD DIED, AND HAROLD WAS CROWNED 

IN HIS STEAD ; AND HOW DUKE WILLIAM 

TOOK COUNSEL AGAINST HIM. 

The day came that no man can escape, and king 
Edward drew near to die. He had it much at heart, 
that William should have his kingdom, if possible; 
but he was too far off, and it was too long to tarry 
for him, and Edward could not defer his hour. He 
lay in heavy sickness, in the illness whereof he was 
to die; and he was very weak, for death pressed hard 
upon him 1 . 

Then Harold assembled his kindred, and sent for 
his friends and other people, and entered into the 
king's chamber, taking with him whomsoever he 
pleased. An Englishman began to speak first, as 



1 According to the quotation in Thierry, i. 236, Edward's last 
moments were disturbed by melancholy forebodings. 'Behold,' 
he cried, ' the Lord hath bent his bow ; the Lord hath brandished 
his sword, and made ready; by fire and sword will he chasten!' 
Benoit merely says, * Glouriouse fin out e sainte !' The reader may 
usefully compare the narrative here, with the illustrative quotations 
from the old chroniclers, which are to be found in Thierry. 



90 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 

Harold had directed him, and said ; " Sire, we sor- 
row greatly that we are about to lose thee ; and we 
are much alarmed, and fear that great trouble may 
come upon us : yet we cannot lengthen thy life, nor 
alter thy fate. Each one must die for himself, and 
none for another; neither can we cure thee; so that 
thou canst not escape death ; but dust must return 
to dust. No heir of thine remains who may com- 
fort us after thy death. Thou hast lived long, and 
art now old, but thou hast had no child, son or 
daughter; nor hast thou otherheir, who may remain 
instead of thee to protect and guard us, and to be- 
come king by lineage. On this account the people 
weep and cry aloud, and say they are ruined, and 
that they shall never have peace again if thou failest 
them. And in this, I trow, they say truly ; for with- 
out a king they will have no peace, and a king they 
cannot have, save through thee. Give then thy 
kingdom in thy lifetime to some one who is strong 
enough to maintain us in peace. God grant that 
none other than such may be our king ! Wretched 
is a realm, and little worth, when justice and peace 
fail ; and he who doth not or cannot maintain them, 
has little right to the kingdom he hath. Well hast 
thou lived, well hast thou done, and well wilt thou 
do; thou hast ever served God, and wilt be rewarded 
of him. Behold the best of thy people, the noblest 
of thy friends ; all are come to beseech thee, and 
thou must grant their prayer before thou goest hence, 



CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 93 

or thou wilt not see God. All come to implore thee 
that Harold may be king of this land. We can give 
thee no better advice, and no better canst thou do." 

As soon as he had named Harold, all the English 
in the chamber cried out that he said well, and that 
the king ought to give heed to him. " Sire/' they 
said, " if thou dost it not, we shall never in our lives 
have peace." 

Then the king sat up in his bed, and turned his 
face to the English there, and said, " Seignors, you 
well know, and have ofttimes heard, that I have 
given my realm at my death to the duke of Nor- 
mandy ; and as I have given it, so have some among 
you sworn that it shall go." 

But Harold, who stood by, said, " Whatever thou 
hast heretofore done, sire, consent now that I shall 
be king, and that your land be mine ; I wish for no 
other title, and want no one to do any thing more 
for me." " Harold," said the king, " thou shalt 
have it, but I know full well that it will cost thee 
thy life. If I know any thing of the duke, and the 
barons that are with him, and the multitude of peo- 
ple that he can command, none but God can avail 
to save thee." 

Then Harold said that he would stand the hazard, 
and that if the king would do what he asked, he 
feared no one, be he Norman or other. So the king 
turned round and said, — whether of his own free will 
I know not, — "Let the English make either the duke 



94 THE CHRONICLE 

or Harold king as they please, I consent." Thus 
he made Harold heir to his kingdom, as William 
could not have it. A kingdom must have a king; 
without one, in fact, it would be no kingdom ; so 
he let his barons have their own will. 

And now he could abide no longer. He died, 
and the English lamented much over him. His 
body was greatly honoured, and was buried at West- 
minster ; and the tomb which was made for him 
was rich, and endureth still. As soon as king Ed- 
ward was dead, Harold, who was rich and powerful, 
had himself anointed and crowned, and said nought 
of it to the duke, but took the homage and fealty 
of the richest, and best born of the land 2 . 

The duke was in his park at Rouen 3 . He held 
in his hand a bow, which he had strung and bent, 
making it ready for the arrow ; and he had given 
it into the hands of a page, for he was going forth, 
I believe, to the chace, and had with him many 



2 Benoit de Sainte-More's account is somewhat different. He 
in particular denies that Harold was anointed at all, or had any 
title but his own usurpation. 

Heraut de coveitise espris, 

Senz autre conseil qui 'n fust pris, 

Saisi le reigne demaneis ; 

Parjurez e faus se fist reis, 

Eissi, senz icele unction, 

E senz cele sacration, 

Qu'en deit faire a rei saintement 

Le jor de son coronement. 



OF THE CONQUEST. 95 

knights and pages 4 and esquires, when behold ! at 
the gate appeared a Serjeant, who came journeying 
from England, and went straight to the duke and 
saluted him, and drew him on one side, and told 
him privily that king Edward was dead, and that 
Harold was raised to be king. 

When the duke had listened to him, and learnt 
all the truth, how that Edward was dead, and Ha- 
rold was made king, he became as a man enraged, 
and left the craft of the woods. Oft he tied his 
mantle, and oft he untied it again ; and spoke to no 
man, neither dared any man speak to him. Then he 
crossed the Seine in his boat, and came to his hall, 
and entered therein ; and sat down at the end of a 
bench, shifting his place from time to time, cover- 
ing his face with his mantle, and resting his head 
against a pillar. Thus he remained long, in deep 
thought, for no one dared speak to him; but many 
asked aside, " What ails the duke, why makes he 



In this part of his chronicle he relates an expedition by Harold 
against ' li Galeis' and i reis Griffins, qui d'eus ert sire.' 
Heraut Pocist, 

Sa femme Aldit saisi e prist, 

Qui fille ert del bon conte Algar. 
3 The park of Quevilly. Henry II. built a palace there, which 
eventually became the priory of St, Julien ; the chapel of which 
still subsists. An extensive forest adjoined. 4 ' Damoisels,' 
young men of gentle birth, not yet knights. 5 William Fitz 
Osbern, lord of Breteuil (de Bretolio), in the arrondissement of 
Evreux. He was, by his father, the grandson of Herfast, brother of 



96 THE CHRONICLE 

such bad cheer?" Then behold in came his senes- 
chal 5 , who rode from the park on horseback; and 
he passed close by the duke, humming a tune as 
he went along the hall ; and many came round him, 
asking how it came to pass that the duke was in 
such plight. And he said to them, " Ye will hear 
news, but press not for it out of season ; news will 
always spread some time or another, and he who 
gets it not fresh, has it old." 

Then the duke raised himself up, and the senesch al 
said to him, " Sire, sire, why do you conceal the 
news you have heard ? If men hear it not at one 
time, they will at another; concealment will do you 
no good, nor will the telling of it do harm. What 
you keep so close, is by this time known all over 
the city; for men go through the streets telling, and 
all know, both great and small, that king Edward 
is dead, and that Harold is become king in his stead, 
and possesses the realm." 

" That indeed is the cause of my sorrow/' said 

the duchess Gunnor ; and, by his mother, grandson of Ralf, count 
of Ivry. Both father and son held the office of seneschal, these 
household offices being among the Normans held by the persons 
of highest birth and eminence. Wace says of the household of 
duke Richard II.: 

Gentil furent li capelain, 

Gentil furent li escrivain, 

Gentil furent li cunestable, 

E bien poessanz c bien aidable ; 

Gentil furent li scncscal, 



or THE CONQUEST. 97 

the duke, " but I know no help for it. I sorrow for 
Edward, and for his death, and for the wrong that 
Harold has done me. He has wronged me in tak- 
ing the kingdom that was granted and promised to 
me, as he himself had sworn." 

To these words Fitz Osber, the bold of heart, re- 
plied, " Sire, do not vex yourself, but bestir your- 
self for your redress ; that you may be revenged on 
Harold, who hath been so disloyal to you. If your 
courage fail not, the land shall not abide with him. 
Call together all that you can call ; cross the sea, 
and take the kingdom from him. A bold man should 
begin nothing unless he pursue it to the end ; what 
he begins he should carry through, or abandon it 
without more ado." 

Thus the fame of king Harold's act went through 
the country. William sent to him often, and re- 
minded him of his oath; and Harold replied inju- 
riously, that he would do nought for him, neither 
take his daughter, nor yield up the land. Then Wil- 



Gentil furent li buteillier, 

Gentil furent li despensier ; 

Li chamberlenc e li uissier 

Furent tuit noble chevalier. 
William became earl of Hereford, and was killed in 1070. Or- 
dericus Vitalis, 536, exclaims, ' Ubi est Guillelmus Osberni filius, 
Ilerfordensis comes, et regis vicarius, Normanniae dapifer, et ma- 
gister militum bellicosus? Ilic nimirum primus et maximus op- 
pressor Anglorum fuit,etenormem causam per temeritatem suam 

ll 



98 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 

liam sent him his defiance, but Harold always an- 
swered that he feared him nought 6 . The Normans 
who dwelt in England, who had wives and children 
there, men whom Edward had invited and endowed 
with castles and fiefs, Harold chased out of the 
country, nor would he leave one there; he drove 
out fathers and mothers, sons and daughters, bro- 
thers and sisters 7 . 

Harold received the crown at Easter; but it would 
have been better for him if he had done otherwise, 
for he brought nought but evil on his heirs, and on 
all the land. He perjured himself for a kingdom, 
and that kingdom endured but little space ; to him 
it was a great loss, and it brought all his lineage to 
sorrow. He refused to take the duke's daughter to 
wife, he would neither give nor take according to 
his covenant, and heavily will he suffer for it ; he, 
and all he loves most. 

When William found that Harold would do no- 
thing towards performing his covenant, he consi- 



enutrivit, per quam multis millibus ruina miserae mortis incu- 
buit.' His family were soon involved in rebellion, and disap- 
peared in England. The Osbernus episcopus — of Exeter — in 
Domesday, was his brother. See Ellis's Introduction to Domes- 
day, i. 460-511. 6 Benoit's more particular account of Wil- 
liam's messages to Harold will be found in our appendix. 7 The 
Estoire de Seint Mdward Ic rci, (a MS. in the university library 
at Cambridge) makes Harold's tyrannical proceedings a promi- 
nent motive for William's expedition. 



100 



CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 



dered and took counsel, how to cross the sea, and 
fight him, and by our Lord's leave, take vengeance 
for his perjury. He pondered much on the wrongs 
Harold had done him, and on his not deigning even 
to speak with him before he got himself crowned, 
and thus robbed him of what Edward had given 
him, and Harold himself had sworn to observe. If, 
he said, he could attack and punish him without 
crossing the sea, he would willingly have done so ; 
but he would rather cross the sea than not revenge 
himself, and pursue his right. So he determined 
to go over sea, and take his revenge. 









^XOzOlXiig? 



CHAPTER X. 

HOW THE BARONS MET AT LILLEBONNE, AND WHAT 
AID THEY AGREED TO GIVE. 

To consult on this matter before he opened his mind 
to any other, he sent for Robert, the count d'Ou 1 , 
who dwelt by the men of Vimou 2 , and Rogier de 
Montgomeri, whom he accounted a great friend, and 
Fitz Osber of Bretuil, William by name, the proud 
of spirit ; and for Gautier GifFart, a man of great 
worth ; and for his brother Odun, the bishop, and 
Robert of Moretoin 3 , who was his brother also, and 
loved him much. Both these were his brothers, but 
only on the mother's side. He sent moreover for 



1 Benoit de Sainte-More's account of William's council will be 
found in our appendix. 2 Yimeu. 3 As to Roger de 



102 THE CHRONICLE 

Rogier de Vilers 4 , who was much honoured and 
esteemed for his wisdom, and was now of consider- 
able age, having sons who were already noble and 
brave knights. He was lord of Belmont-le-Rogier 5 , 
and possessed much land. And he sent also for Iwun 
al Chapel, who had Muriel to wife, sister of the 
duke on the mother's side, Herluin being her fa- 
ther 6 . I know not if children were born to them ; 
I never heard speak of any. 

To these barons he told his design, before he made 
any great preparation. He told them how he had 
lost his right, which Harold had seized ; and that 
if they approved, he would cross the sea to avenge 

MoNTGOMERI, WaLTER GlFFART, OdO, BISHOP OF BaYEUX, 

and Robert, count of Mortain — comes Moritolii — see our 
subsequent notes on the chiefs at the battle of Hastings. 4 Ro- 
ger de Vieilles, not Villers,' — nor Veules, as often written, owing 
to incorrect translation of the latin title, de Vetulis, — son of Hum- 
fry of the same name, who is stated to have died at Preaux, 1074. 
Vieilles is a small commune in the canton of Beaumont, arron- 
dissement of Bernay ; where the family appears to have been es- 
tablished before the building- the castle, which still bears the name 
of Roger. Roger is below, and usually, stiled de Beaumont 
or Bellomont. He could not have been very old at the con- 
quest, (if Wace is to be understood as so asserting), for he lived till 
thirty years after. His son Robert became earl of Leicester on the 
grant of Hen. I.; having been adult, and distinguished himself at 
Hastings, according to William of Poitiers. See our subsequent 
note, and Ellis's Domesday, i. 380. 5 Beaumont-le-Roger on 
the Rille. 6 Historians have not mentioned an uterine sister of 
William, called Muriel. We remarked, at p. 45, their error as 



OF THE CONQUEST. 103 

himself. If they were willing, he could easily re- 
cover his right by the aid of the people he could 
summon, and by God's permission. And they said 
they were all ready to go with him, if need were ; 
and to pledge their lands, and even sell them, if 
necessary ; that he need lose nothing of his right, 
but might rely on his men and his clerks. " You 
have," said they, " a great baronage, many valiant 
and wise men, who have very great power, and are 
as able as we to whom you speak : shew these things 
to them ; all should be taken into counsel who have 
to share the labour." 

So the barons were all summoned, and being as- 



to Adelidis, usually so reckoned ; but who, as we have seen, was 
of the whole blood, and married Enguerran, count of Ponthieu ; 
not Odo of Champagne, who, in fact, married her daughter. The 
mistakes hitherto prevailing as to Adelidis, render us less averse 
to suspect others of the same sort among the genealogists; and 
Wace's account of Muriel is confirmed from other sources. It 
would seem to have been to her, then a widow — ad Muriel sancti- 
monialem — sister of Odo, bishop of Bayeux — and therefore sis- 
ter, or more properly half-sister of Adelidis, that the poet Serlon, 
the canon of Bayeux, (as to whom see Wace,ii. 235, 393) addres- 
sed his verses de capta Bajocensium civitate. The baron here called 
Iwun-al-Chapel seems to be Eudo de capello — du manteau, 
or capuchon — son of Turstain Halduc and Emma his wife, and 
subscribing himself Eudo Haldub in a charter of 1074. Mem. 
Ant. Norm. viii. 436. He was dapifer to duke William ; although 
not the Eudo dapifer of Domesday, who was son of Hubert de 
Rie. He was the head of the house of Haie-du-Puits in the Co- 
tentin, and undoubtedly married a Muriel, as appears by the char- 



104 



THE CHRONICLE 



sembled at a set day 7 , the duke shewed to them 
that Harold had cheated him, and had stolen the 
realm whereof Edward had made him heir; that he 
wished to avenge himself if he could, but that great 
aid was wanted ; and that he could not, without their 
help, have many men and many ships, as he needed ; 
let each say what he would do, how many men and 
ships he wouldbring. And they said they would speak 
together about it, and that after holding counsel, 
they would answer him; and he consented thereto. 

They remained long in council ; and the debate 
lasted a great while ; for they hesitated long among 
themselves what they should say, what answer 
they should give, and what aid they would afford. 
They complained much to each other, saying that 
they had often been aggrieved ; and they mur- 
mured much, conferring together in small parties ; 
here five, there fifteen, here forty, there thirty, sixty, 
a hundred. Some said they were willing to bring 
ships and cross the sea with the duke; others said 
they would not go, for they owed much and were 
poor. Some would, others would not, and there was 
great contention amongst them. 

Then Fitz Osber came forward and said, "Why 



ters of Lessay, whether she were a daughter of Herluin or not. 
The estates of Eudo went to his nephew, which confirms Wace's 
account of his having no issue. See the Lessay charters in Dug- 
dale and Gallia Christiana, and our subsequent note on Haie. 



OF THE CONQUEST. 105 

do you go on wrangling with your natural lord, 
who seeks to gain honour ? You ought never to be 
wanting. You owe him service for your fiefs, and 
what you owe him you ought to render with all 
your might. Wait not for him to beseech you ; ask 
him for no respite; but go forward at once, and 
offer him even more than you can perform. Let 
him not have cause to complain, nor miss his un- 
dertaking on your account. If he fail, he will per- 
chance soon say (for he is of a jealous temper) that 
you are the cause of his loss. Take care that he has 
not to say, that his expedition failed through you." 

" Sire/' said they, " we fear the sea, and we are 
not bound to serve beyond it; speak for us, we pray 
you, we put the speech upon you. You shall say 
what you will, and we will do accordingly." " Do 
you put it upon me?" said he. " Yes," said each, 
" I agree, let us go to the duke ; speak for us, for 
you know our minds." 

Then Fitz Osber went at their head, and spoke 
for them. " Sire, sire, look around ; there is no 
people under Heaven that so love their lord, or that 
will do so much for his honour, as the people you 
have ; and much should you love and protect them. 

7 Wace does not name the place of meeting of this great council. 
William of Malmcsbury informs us that it was at Lillebonne ; 
where the remains of the ancient castle still exist ; see the roofless 
hall in our vignette above, at p. 101 . 



106 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 

They say that to advance you, they would swim 
through the sea, or throw themselves into the rag- 
ing fire ; you may trust them much, for they have 
served you long, and followed you at great cost, and 
they will willingly continue to serve you. If they 
have hitherto done well, they will hereafter do yet 
better. They will pass with you over sea, and dou- 
ble their service. He who should bring twenty 
knights, will cheerfully bring forty; he who should 
serve with thirty, will now serve you with sixty ; 
and he who owes a hundred will willingly bring two 
hundred. For myself, I will in good love bring to 
my lord, in his need, sixty ships, well furnished and 
charged with fighting men/' 

At these words the barons marvelled and mur- 
mured much, grumbling loudly at the great promises 
he made, for which he had no warranty. Many 
began to disavow him, and the court became much 
troubled; great noise arose, and the barons stormed. 
They feared that doubling their service would be 
turned into a charge on their fiefs, that it would 
grow to a custom, and would thenceforth become 
permanently due. The assembly was greatly trou- 
bled, the noise was great, and the clamour loud. No 
one could hear another speak ; no one could either 
listen to reason, or render it for himself. 

Then the duke, being greatly disturbed by the 
noise, drew on one side, and sent for the barons one 
by one; aud spoke with and entreated each, telling 



108 THE CHRONICLE 

them what need he had ; how much they stood in 
his love and grace ; and that if they doubled their 
service, and did of their own accord more than they 
were bound in this undertaking, they would do well ; 
but he pledged himself that they should not be 
called on in future for service beyond what was the 
custom of the land, and such as their ancestors were 
wont to do for their lord 8 . Each said what he would 
do, and how many ships he could bring ; and the 
duke had it all recorded at once, numbering the 
ships and knights which the barons agreed to find ; 
thus each named how many knights he would pro- 
vide, and how many ships he could bring. Of his 
brother Odo, the bishop, he received forty ships as 
a gift. The bishop of Mans furnished thirty ships 
with their crews ; for he desired much to advance 
the duke. Each of the barons in like manner pro- 
mised ships, but how many each one said he would 
bring I do not know 9 . 



8 This jealousy, which from the nature of the meeting may well be 
called parliamentary, characterized the assemblies of the Norman 
estates much later. See Delafoy's Constitut'1071 du duch't de Nor- 
mandie, p. 159. At the meeting in 1350, when an extraordinary 
supply was granted, the states stipulated expressly, and the king 
agreed, that no prejudicial consequences should follow ; ' cette 
imposition ne portera prejudice aux gens du pays de Normandie, 
ne a leurs privileges ou chartes en aucune maniere, ou temps pre- 
sent ne a venir; et ne sera trait a consequence.' 9 See in M. 
Le Prevost's notes to Wace,vo\Ai. 531, the curious list from Tay- 
lor's anon. MS. (supposed to be of the age of lien. I.) containing 



OF THE CONQUEST. 109 

Then the duke called on his good neighbours, the 
Bretons, Mansels, and Angevins, and those of Pon- 
tif and Boloigne, to come with him in his need. 
To those who wished he promised lands, if he should 
conquer England. To many he promised other re- 
wards, good pay, and rich gifts. From all sides he 
summoned soldiers who would serve for hire. 

He shewed to the king of France his lord, how 
for good cause and for his honour's sake he was 
about to cross the sea against Harold, who had bro- 
ken faith and defrauded him. The duke went to 
speak with the king at St. Girmer 10 in Belveisen. 
He sought and found him there, and told him his si- 
tuation, and that if he would aid him, and if by his 
help he should have his right, he would hold Eng- 
land of him, and would willingly serve him for it. 

But the king of France said he would not do it, 
and that with his consent William should not £0. 
For the French had besought their king, and coun- 



the proportions in which William's naval force was furnished. Fitz 
Osbern's number agrees with Wace's account of his promise. The 
same list, with some variations, (whence arising we know not) is 
printed in Turner's History of the Anglo-Saxons ; and in Little- 
ton's History of Hen. II. vol. i. See also Ellis, Domesday, i. 227. 
10 Saint Germer near Gournay. The king of France at this time 
was Philip, the successor of Henry, whose army was defeated at 
Mortemer. Philip was a minor; Baldwin the fifth, William's 
father-in-law, being his guardian ; but not, as Sismondi says, tak- 
ing any active part in the management of French affairs. Philip, 
however, could personal!) have taken no conduct of such matters. 



110 THE CHRONICLE 

selled him not to advance the duke, or suffer him 
to strengthen himself. They said he was too strong 
already, and that it would be foolish to let him be- 
come still stronger ; for if he were allowed to add 
the great power beyond sea, the wealth and great 
force of England, to the good chivalry and pride 
of Normandy, the king would never have peace in 
his life ; he therefore ought rather to think of dis- 
turbing William, and preventing his rising higher, 
or passing into England. " You cannot aid the 
duke if you would," they said, "without means and 
money; all France would thereby be injured and 
impoverished, and therefore no Frenchman will fol- 
low you ; no one will pass the sea, and if mischance 
befall you, you will be brought to great shame. The 
duke seeks your aid only for his own interest, for 
no good can come of it to you. When he shall have 
conquered England, you will have no more service 
from him ; he serves you but little now, and he will 



11 Son regne laisse si assis, 

E a si tres feeus amis, 

A sa femme, la proz, la sage, 

Que n'el en pot venir damage. 

Benoit de Suintc-Morc. 
12 Part of this passage is obscure in the original : 

Li conte de Flandres requist, 

K'en sa busuigne a 11 venist, 

Cum od serorge et od ami. 
The meaning may be that the reigning count of Flanders was re- 
quested to come to William with the latter's brother-in-law, i. c. 



OF THE CONQUEST. Ill 

then serve you still less. The more he has, the less 
he will do for you." 

After what the Frenchmen said, still more and 
more opposing it, the king would not assist the 
duke, but rather hindered him all he could. I 
know not exactly what the king answered, but I 
know well that he failed him altogether. When the 
duke took leave of him, he said like a man who is 
wroth at heart, " Sire, I will go, and will do the best 
I can. If God please, I will seek my right. If I win 
it (which God grant) you shall do me no harm; and 
if the English are able to defend themselves, so that 
I fail, I shall not lose heart or head on that account. 
All things shall be set in order 11 ; my children shall 
have my land, and you shall not take any advantage 
of them ; whether I die or live, whatever befall me, 
I fear the threats of no man." Then William tried 
no more to persuade the king, but went his way. 

He besought the count of Flanders 12 to go with 



bringing with him his, the then count's, son. But the succeeding 
speech of the varlet directly addresses the count as himself the bro- 
ther-in-law ; and most likely the sentence is elliptic, and what is 
meant is, that the count should come to him, and go on the expedi- 
tion with him, as with a brother-in-law and friend. If this, however, 
be Wace's meaning, he is historically wrong; as Baldwin V. Wil- 
liam's father-in-law, did not die till the succeeding year ; and the 
application, therefore, must have been to him, not to the brother- 
in-law, afterwards Baldwin VI. Wace's account of the count's 
feelings and conduct is at variance with the received historical 
opinion, that he assisted William zealously; particularly by using 



1 12 THE CHRONICLE 

him as his brother-in-law and friend ; but the count 
answered, that if he would make sure of aid from 
him, he must first let him know what share of En- 
gland he was to have, and what division he would 
make of the spoil. 

The duke said that he would go and talk with 
his barons about the matter, and take their coun- 
sel, and afterwards state by letter what they advised 
him to do. So he went away without more ado, and 
did such a thing as no one ever did before ; for he 
took a small piece of parchment which had neither 
letter nor writing upon it, sealed it up with wax, all 
blank as it was, and wrote upon the label that the 
count should have such part of England as the let- 
ter within stated. 

Then he sent the letter to the count by a cunning 
varlet 13 , who had long been with him ; and the var- 
let delivered it to the count, who broke the seal, 
and opened the parchment, and looked within, but 
saw nothing. So he shewed it to the messenger, 



his influence in restraining any opposition from the young French 
king his ward. According to Sismondi, however, Baldwin did 
not interfere in French affairs; and the course pursued by the 
king does not appear to have been friendly, but as hostile as the 
weakness attendant on a minority allowed. As to the policy of 
the court of Flanders, a variance in the accounts may possibly 
have arisen from confusion between the different counts, who suc- 
ceeded each other quickly, and perhaps had opposite views : so 
that what is said by historians as to William's transactions with 
Baldwin V. may apply to a later period and another person. 



OF THE CONQUEST. 113 

and the shrewd varlet said to him offhand, "Nought 
is there, and nought shalt thou have ! therefore look 
for nothing ! The honour that the duke seeks will 
be for your sister and nephews as much as for him- 
self; and if he and they should win England, no 
one would have more advantage from their success 
than yourself. All theirs would in truth be yours. 
If God please, he will conquer it by himself, and 
seek none of your help." What the count answered 
I know not, but the varlet thereupon went his way. 
The duke determined to make his preparations 
prudently. He sent to the apostle, by clerks who 
could tell truly how Harold had used him ; how he 
had broken his oath and lied ; and how he would 
neither take his daughter, nor render him up the 
kingdom which Edward had given him, and Harold 
had guaranteed on oath. He said that perjury ought 
to be punished according to the rules of holy church ; 
and that if by God's will he should conquer Eng- 
land, he would receive it of St. Peter, and do service 



Though there were many adventurers from Flanders in William's 
service, we are not aware of any decisive proof that the count 
avowedly sent a force to aid the expedition in 1066. Gilbert de 
Gantis not heard of before 1069. He and such captains as Gher- 
bod of Chester, Walter Flandrensis and Drogo de Bevrere may 
have been only volunteers, assisting for personal rewards. It may 
be added that Wace's account of the course pursued by France 
and Flanders is at any rate consistent; and it is probable, as be- 
ing dictated by motives of obvious policy. 13 Or page. u See 
Wace's account of the gonfanons, devices, shields, &c. at the 

I 



CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 115 

for it to none but God. The apostle granted his re- 
quest, and sent him a gonfanon 14 , and a very pre- 
cious, rich and fair ring, which, he said, had under 
the stone one of Saint Peter's hairs 15 . With these 
tokens he commanded, and in God's name granted 
to him, that he should conquer England, and hold 
it of Saint Peter. 

Now while these things were doing, a great star 
appeared, shining for fourteen days, with three long 
rays streaming towards the south ; such a star as 
is wont to be seen when a kingdom is about to change 
its king. I have seen many men who saw it, men 
of full age at the time, and who lived many years 
after l6 . Those who discourse of the stars would 
call it a comet 17 . 



battle of Valdesdunes. i5 Another MS. reads ' une des denz 
Saint Pierre/ Benoit de Sainte-More says of the pope, 

A Rome ert done Pape Alixandre 

Jusz hoem, saintismes e verais. 
See his report concerning the apostolic grant in our appendix. 

16 Wace's words, of which we believe we give the meaning, are, 

Asez vi homes ki la virent, 

Ki ainz e poiz lunges veskirent. 

17 The original passage, and the parallel accounts in Benoit de 
Sainte-More and Gaimar, will be found in our appendix. 



CHAPTER XI. 

HOW THE NORMAN HOST MET AT ST. VALERY, AND 
SAILED THENCE. 

The duke rejoiced greatly at receiving the gonfa- 
non, and the license which the apostle gave him. He 
got together carpenters smiths and other workmen, 
so that great stir was seen at all the ports of Nor- 
mandy, in the collecting of wood and materials, cut- 
ting of planks, framing of ships and boats, stretch- 
ing sails, and rearing masts, with great pains and 
at great cost. They spent all one summer and au- 
tumn in fitting up the fleet and collecting the forces; 
and there was no knight in the land, no good Ser- 
jeant, archer, nor peasant of stout heart, and of age 
for battle, that the duke did not summon to go with 
him to England : promising rents to the vavassors, 
and honors to the barons. 

When the ships were ready, they were moored in 
the Somme at St. Valeri, and there delivered to the 
barons. Many were the ships and boats in the river 
there, which is called the Somme, and separates 
Ponthieu and Vimou. Vimou extends as far as On, 



118 THE CHRONICLE 

which separates Normandy from Vimou, a country 
under different government. Ou is a river, and Ou 
is also a fair castle 1 situate upon that river. 

The duke had men from many and various parts. 
Haimon, the viscount of Toarz ~, came thither, a 
man of very great power, who could bring much 
people. Alain Felgan also came to the crossing, 
and brought with him great baronage from among 
the Bretons 3 ; and Fitz Bertran de Peleit, and the 
Sire de Dinan came also ; and Raol de Gael, and 
many Bretons from many castles, and from about 
Brecheliant, concerning which the Bretons tell many 
fables. It is a forest long and broad, much famed 
throughout Brittany. The fountain of Berenton rises 
from beneath a stone there. Thither the hunters are 
used to repair in sultry weather ; and drawing up 
water with their horns, they sprinkle the stone for 
the purpose of having rain, which is then wont to 
fall, they say, throughout the whole forest around ; 
but why I know not. There, too, fairies are to be 
seen (if the Bretons tell truth) and many other won- 



1 Ou est ewe, Ou est chastel 
Ke seit sor l'ewe d'Ou mult bel. 
2 Aimeri, viscount of Thouars, the fourth of the name. Alain 
Felgak and the other chiefs in the expedition will be more con- 
veniently noticed hereafter. The only list which Benoit gives will 
be found in our appendix. 3 Benoit goes into much detail 

concerning William's previous arrangements with the Bretons. 
4 Fol m'en revins, fol i alai, 



OF THE CONQUEST. 119 

ders happen. The ground is broken and precipi- 
tous, and deer in plenty roam there, but the hus- 
bandmen have deserted it. I went thither on purpose 
to see these marvels. I saw the forest and the land, 
and I sought for the marvels, but I found none 4 . 
I went like a fool, and sq I came back ; I sought 
after folly, and hold myself a fool for my pains. 

The fame of the Norman duke soon went forth 
through many lands; how he meant to cross the sea 
against Harold, who had taken England from him. 
Then soldiers came flocking to him, one by one, two 
by two, and four by four ; by fives and sixes, sevens 
and eights, nines and tens ; and he retained them 
all, giving them much and promising more. Many 
came by agreement made with them beforehand ; 
many bargained for lands, if they should win Eng- 
land ; some required pay, allowances and gifts ; and 
the duke was often obliged to give at once to those 
who could not wait the result 5 . 

I shall never put in writing, and would not un- 
dertake to set down, what barons, and how many 



Fol i alai, fol m'en revins, 
Folie quis, por fol me tins. 
5 Benoit de Sainte-More thus expresses himself on the subject : 
Ci receveront les granz loiers 
Qu'aveir deivent bons chevaliers ; 
Les terres, les fieus, les honors, 
Plus c'unc n'orent lor anceisors ; 
Par lor valor, par lor proeces, 



120 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 

knights, how many vavassors, and how many sol- 
diers the duke had in his company, when he had 
collected all his navy ; but I heard my father say — 
I remember it well, although I was but a lad — that 
there were seven hundred ships, less four 6 , when they 
sailed from St. Valeri ; a«d that there were besides 
these ships, boats and skiffs for the purpose of car- 
rying the arms and harness. I have found it writ- 
ten (but I know not whether it be true) that there 
were in all three thousand vessels bearing sails and 
masts. Any one will know that there must have 
been a great many men to have furnished out so 
many vessels. 

They waited long at St. Valeri for a fair wind, 
and the barons were greatly wearied 7 . Then they 
prayed the convent to bring out the shrine of St. 
Valeri, and set it on a carpet in the plain ; and all 
came praying the holy reliques, that they might be 
allowed to pass over sea. They offered so much mo- 
ney, that the reliques were buried beneath it ; and 
from that day forth, they had good weather and a 



Auront des or les gram richesces, 
Les granz tenures e les fieus. 

6 The accounts differ as to the number of vessels, arising princi- 
pally from a different principle of computation ; some reckoning 
' the small craft,' others not. Benoit de Sainte-Morc Bays, 

Si out treis mile nefs au meins, 
De ce nos fait l'autor certains. 

7 The fleet sailed on the 20th September, 10GG. 8 « Wire-wire.' 



CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 123 

fair wind. The duke placed a lantern on the mast 
of his ship, that the other ships might see it, and 
hold their course after it. At the summit was a vane 8 
of brass, gilt. On the head of the ship, in the front, 
which mariners call the prow, there was the figure 
of a child in brass, bearing an arrow with a bended 
bow. His face was turned towards England, and 
thither he looked, as though he was about to shoot; 
so that whichever way the ship went, he seemed to 
aim onwards. 

Of so large a fleet with so many people, only two 



In the Bayeux tapestry, the child will be seen at the poop, not at 
the prow, to which, however, he looks ; he holds a trumpet. In 
Taylor's Anon. MS. {Littleton^. 464) it is stated that William's 
own ship was called Mora, being the gift of Matilda ; and the 
child is stated to have pointed towards England with his right fore- 
finger, and to have held to his mouth an ivory horn with his left. 
According to Ordericus Vitalis, one Fitz Stephen under Hen. I. 
claimed to take the king in the unfortunate Blanche-Nef, because 
his father had carried over the conqueror. Benoit de Sainte- 
Mores short account of the voyage, of the formation of the first 
fort, which he places at Pevensey, and of the progress thence to 
Hastings, is as follows : 

D'entrer es nefs e de charger 

Ne sorst esmai ne destorbier, 

Kar l'aure venta duce e queie 

Eissi que li mers trop n'ondeie. 

Enz l'anuitant furent tuit enz; 

Od ce que mult fu dreiz li venz, 

Tra'istrent les veiles, si siglerent, 

Au rei des ceus se comanderent 

Od joie e od tens duz e bel 



124 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 

ships were in any peril, and those perhaps from be- 
ing overloaded. The duke had a great chivalry in 
his ships ; and besides these, he had many archers 
and Serjeants, many brave men and warriors, car- 
penters and engineers, good smiths and other han- 
dicraftsmen. 



Arrivent a Pevenesel. 
Hoc serapres desus le port 
Ferment un chastel bel e fort. 
Chevalers bons des sues genz 
Laissa li dux assez dedenz 
Por tenir le deus anz garniz, 
Apres, ce conte li escriz, 
Vint a Hastinges senz demore, 
Ou maintenant e en poi d'ore 
En r'a un autre fait fermer. 
Tant entendirent al ovrer 
Que li rnur i furent si haut 
De nule part ne dote assant. 
La remist gardes seguraines 
E de lui fei porter certaines. 



CHAPTER XII. 

HOW THE DUKE AND HIS HOST LANDED NEAR TO HAST- 
INGS, AND MADE THEMSELVES A FORT. 

The ships steered to one port; all arrived and 
reached the shore together ; together cast anchor, 
and ran on dry land ; and together they discharged 
themselves. They arrived near Hastings, and there 
each ship ranged by the other's side. There you 
might see the good sailors, the Serjeants and squires 
sally forth and unload the ships; cast the anchors, 
haul the ropes, bear out shields and saddles, and 
land the warhorses and palfreys. The archers came 
forth, and touched land the foremost; each with his 
bow bent, and his quiver full of arrows slung at his 
side. All were shaven and shorn, and all clad in 
short garments, ready to attack, to shoot, to wheel 
about and skirmish. All stood well equipped, and 
of good courage for the fight ; and they scoured the 
whole shore, but found not an armed man there. 
After the archers had thus gone forth, the knights 
landed next, all armed; with theirhauberks on, their 
shields slung at their necks, and their helmets laced. 
They formed together on the shore, each armed up- 
on his warhorsc. All had their swords girded on, 



128 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 

and passed into the plain with their lances raised. 

The barons had gonfanons, and the knights pen- 
nons. They occupied the advanced ground, next 
to where the archers had fixed themselves. The 
carpenters, who came after, had great axes in their 
hands, and planes and adzes hung at their sides. 
When they had reached the spot where the archers 
stood, and the knights were assembled, they con- 
sulted together, and sought for a good spot to place 
a strong fort upon. Then they cast out of the ships 
the materials, and drew them to land, all shaped 
framed and pierced to receive the pins which they 
had brought, cut and ready in large barrels ; so that 
before evening had well set in, they had finished a 
fort. Then you might see them make their kitchens, 
light their fires, and cook their meat. -The duke 
sat down to eat, and the barons and knights had 
food in plenty; for he had brought ample store. All 
ate and drank enough, and were right glad that they 
were ashore. 

Before the duke left the Somme,a clerk had come 
to him, who knew, he said, astronomy and necro- 
mancy, and held himself a good diviner, and pre- 
dicted many things. So he divined for the duke, 
and predicted that he should pass the sea safely, 
and succeed in his expedition, without fighting at 
all; for that Harold would make such promises, and 
come to such terms, that he would hold the land of 
the duke, and become his liegeman, and so William 



130 THE CHRONICLE 

would return in safety. As to the good passage, he 
predicted right enough ; but as to not fighting, he 
lied. When the duke had crossed, and arrived safe- 
ly, he remembered the prediction, and inquired for 
the diviner. But one of the sailors said he had mis- 
carried and was drowned at sea, being in one of the 
lost ships. " Little matters it," said the duke; " no 
great deal could he have known. A poor diviner 
indeed must he be about me, who could predict 
nought about himself. If the things to come were 
known to him, he might well have foreseen his own 
death ; foolish is he who trusts in a diviner, who 
takes heed for others but forgets himself; who knows 
the end of other men's work, and can not discern 
the term of his own life." Such was the end of the 
diviner. 

As the ships were drawn to shore, and the duke 
first landed, he fell by chance upon his two hands. 
Forthwith all raised a loud cry of distress, " An evil 
sign," said they, " is here." But he cried out lus- 
tily, " See, seignors, by the splendour of God ! I have 



1 The Bayeux tapestry is considered to contradict Wace's supposed 
story of the ships being destroyed. Benoit says nothing of it. Is 
it clear that the ships are not meant to be represented in the tapes- 
try as drawn ashore, dismantled, and in a state unfit for service ? 
This probably was done, and it may be all that was meant to be 
reported. We venture to give this mitigated sense to ' despecies,' 
particularly as the operations in the next line of ' drawing ashore 
and piercing/ are hardly consistent with previous destruction. The 



OF THE CO NQ 13 EST. 131 

seized England with my two hands; without chal- 
lenge no prize can be made ; all is our own that is 
here ; and now we shall see who will be the bolder 
man." Then one of his men ran forward and put 
his hand on a hut, and took a handful of the thatch, 
and turned to the duke, saying heartily, " Sire, come 
forward and receive seizin ; of this land I give you 
seizin ; without doubt the country is yours." And 
the duke said, " I accept it; may God be with us." 

Then he ordered proclamation to be made, and 
commanded the sailors that the ships should be dis- 
mantled, and drawn ashore and pierced, that the 
cowards might not have the ships to flee to K 

All cannot be told or written at once; but, passing 
backward and forward to each matter in its turn, I 
have now to tell that the duke immediately after his 
arrival made all his host arm themselves. 

The first day they held their course along the sea- 
shore ; and on the morrow came to a castle called 
Penevesel 2 . The squires and foragers, and those 
who looked out for booty, seized all the clothing 



dismantling of the ships, left under protection of the fort, when 
going inland, seems a prudent precaution against a surprise by 
Harold's fleet, as well as against any sudden fit of despair arising 
in the Norman army ; but their destruction would have been 
a rash step. From such dismantling may have arisen the report of 
destruction, which the chronicle of Battel Abbey, MS. Cott. Do?n. 
A. ii. improves into actual burning. It would appear that they 
were soon refitted, and followed William's cautious course along 



132 



CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 



and provisions they could find, lest what had been 
brought by the ships should fail them ; and the 
English were to be seen fleeing before them, driv- 
ing off their cattle, and quitting their houses. All 
took shelter in the cemeteries 3 , and even there they 
were in grievous alarm. 



the coast to Dover. The Carmen cle hello Hastinge?isi makes Wil- 
liam rest five days at Hastings after the battle. 2 Pevensey. 
3 This use of the cemeteries is again mentioned in Wace, ii. 381. 
'As cimetieres tot atraient.' See also Ordcricus Vit. xi. 815. 



+ bIC s WILLELMsDV* 




CHAPTER XIII. 

HOW AN ENGLISH KNIGHT RODE TO HAROLD WHO WAS 

FIGHTING TOSTI ; AND WHAT MESSAGE 

WAS SENT BY THE DUKE. 

A knight of that country heard the noise and cry 
made by the peasants and villains when they saw 
the great fleet arrive. He well knew that the Nor- 
mans were come, and that their object was to seize 
the land. He posted himself behind a hill, so that 
they should not see him, and tarried there, watching 
the arrival of the great fleet. He saw the archers 
come forth from the ships, and the knights follow. 
He saw the carpenters with their axes, and the host 
of people and troops. He saw the men- throw the 
materials for the fort out of the ships. He saw them 
build up and enclose the fort, and dig the fosse 
around it. He saw them land the shields and ar- 
mour. And as he beheld all this, his spirit was 
troubled ; and he girt his sword and took his lance, 
saying he would go straightway to king Harold, and 
tell the news. Forthwith he set out on his way, 
resting late and rising early; and thus he journey- 
ed on by night and by day to seek Harold his lord 



134 THE CHRONICLE 

He found him beyond the Humber, in a town 
where he had just dined 1 . Harold carried himself 
very loftily, for he had been beyond Humber, and 
had had great success in overcoming Tosti. Tosti 
was Harold's brother ; but unfortunately they had 
become enemies, and Tosti had sent his friends to 
Harold, calling upon him to give him his father's 
fief, now that it had fallen out, that, right or wrong, 
he had become king; and requiring him to let him 
have the lands their father held by inheritance; and 
he promised on this being done to ask no more; but 
to become his man, and acknowledge him for lord, 
and serve him as well as he did King Edward. 

But Harold would not agree to this ; he would 
neither give nor exchange ought with him; so Tosti 
became very wroth, and crossed over to Denmark, 
and brought with him Danes and Norwegians, and 
landed over against Euroi'ck e . When Harold learnt 
the news, he made himself ready, and set out against 
Tosti, and fought with and conquered him and his 
troops. Tosti was killed near Pontfrait s , and his 
army besides suffered great loss. Then Harold set 
out on his return from Pontfrait, and glorified him- 
self exceedingly. But foolish is he who glorifies 
himself, for good fortune soon passeth away ; bad 
news swiftly comes ; soon may he die himself who 



1 The time of Harold's coronation is, by our mistake, at p. 08, 
given as Easier, instead of 'Noel.' ■ York. 3 Pomfret. 



OF THE CONQUEST. 135 

has slain others; and the heart of man often rejoi- 
ceth when his ruin is nigh. 

Harold returned rejoicing and triumphing, bear- 
ing himself right proudly, when news met him that 
put other thoughts in his mind ; for lo ! the knight 
is come who set out from Hastings. " The Nor- 
mans," he cried, " are come ! they have landed at 
Hastings ! thy land will they wrest from thee, if 
thou canst not defend thyself well ; they have en- 
closed a fort, and strengthened it round about with 
palisades and a fosse." 

"Sorry am I," said Harold, "that I was not there 
at their arrival. It is a sad mischance; I had bet- 
ter have given what Tosti asked, so that I had been 
at the port when William reached the coast, and had 
disputed his landing ; we might then have driven 
so many into the sea that they would never have 
made good their landing, nor have touched ought 
of ours : neither would they have missed death on 
land, if they had escaped the dangers of the sea. 
But thus it hath pleased the heavenly king; and 
I could not be every where at once." 

There was a baron of the land — I do not know his 
name 4 — who had loved the duke well, and was in 
secret council with him, and desired, so far as he 
was able, that no harm should befall him. This 



Benoit says Tosti's expedition (see appendix) was concerted with 
William. ' According to William of' Poitiers, he was a. rich 



136 THE CHRONICLE 

baron sent word to him privily, that he was too weak ; 
that he had come with too little force, as it seemed 
to him, to do what he had undertaken; for that there 
were so many men in England, that it would be very 
hard to conquer. So he counselled him in good faith, 
and in true love, to leave the country and go home 
to his own land before Harold should arrive ; for he 
feared lest he should miscarry, and he should grieve 
much, he said, if any misfortune should befall him. 
The duke answered briefly, that he saw no reason 
for doubt ; that he might rely upon it, if he had but 
ten thousand of as noble knights as those of whom 
he had sixty thousand or more, he would still fight 
it out. Yea, he said, he would never go back till 
he had taken vengeance on Harold. 

Harold came full speed to London, ordering that 
from every part of England all should come forth- 
with, fully equipped, by a time appointed them, 
without allowing any excuse except sickness. He 
would have challenged the duke, and at once fixed 
a day for the battle, but he waited till his great ba- 
ronage should come together : and they came in 
haste on receiving the summons. 

The duke soon heard that Harold was assembling 
a great host, and that he was come to London from 



man of Norman origin, named Robert, son of Guimare, a noble 
lady. Baioit's account is in our appendix. 5 Wucc is the only 
authority who gives the name of this envoy. William of l J ui- 



OF THE CONQUEST. 137 

the north, where he had killed his brother Tosti. 
Then he sent for Huon Margot 5 , a tonsured monk 
of Fescam ; and as he was a learned man,well known, 
and much valued, the duke despatched him to Ha- 
rold. And Margot set out on his way, and finding 
Harold at London, spoke to him thus : 

"Harold ! hearken to me! I am a messenger, hear 
ye from whom ! The duke tells thee, by my mouth, 
that thou hast too soon forgotten the oath, which 
thou didst but lately take to him in Normandy, and 
that thou hast forsworn thyself. Repair the wrong, 
and restore him the crown and lordship, which are not 
thine by ancestry ; for thou art neither king by he- 
ritage, nor through any man of thy lineage. King 
Edward of his free will and power, gave his land 
and realm to his best kinsman William. He gave 
this gift as he had a right to do, to the best man he 
had. He gave it in full health before his death, and 
if he did wrong, thou didst not forbid it; nay, thou 
didst assent, and warrant and swear to maintain it. 
Deliver him his land ; do justice, lest greater damage 
befall thee. No such hosts can assemble as thou 
and he must combat with, without great cost and 
heavy loss ; and thus there will be mischief to both 
sides. Restore the kingdom that thou hast seized ! 



tiers merely says he was a monk of Fecamp, without further des- 
cription. The two embassies an: described by him in a reversed 
order, and with different circumstances attending them. 



138 THE CHRONICLE 

woe betide thee if thou shalt endeavour to hold it!" 
Harold was exceedingly proud, and it is said that 
he had sometimes fits of madness. He was enraged 
at the words with which Margot had menaced him; 
and it is thought he would have ill used him, had 
not Gurth his brother sprung forth and stood be- 
tween them, and sent Huon Margot away ; and he 
went forth without taking leave, not choosing to 
stay longer, and neither said nor did any thing more 
concerning the matter he came about, but returned 
to duke William, and told him how Harold had in- 
sulted him. 

Then Harold chose a messenger who knew the 
language of France, and sent him to duke William, 
charging him with these words ; " Say to the duke 
that I desire he will not remind me of my covenant 
nor of my oath ; if I ever foolishly made it and pro- 
mised him any thing, I did it for my liberty. I swore 
in order to get my freedom ; whatever he asked I 
agreed to ; and I ought not to be reproached, for I 
did nothing of my own free will. The strength was 
all on his side, and I feared that unless I did his 
pleasure, I should never return, but should have 
remained there for ever. If I have done him any 
wrong, I will make him recompense. If he want any 
of my wealth, I will give it according to my ability. 
I will refit all his ships, and give them safe conduct; 
but if he refuse this offer, tell him for a truth, that 
if he wait for me so long, I will on Saturday seek 



OF THE CONQUEST. 139 

hi in out, and on that day will do battle with him." 
The messenger hastened to the duke, and on the 
part of king Harold, told him that if he would re- 
turn to his own land, and free England of his pre- 
sence, he should have safe conduct for the purpose ; 
and if money was his object, he should have as 
much gold and silver as should supply the wants of 
all his host. 

Duke William replied, "Thanks for his fair words! 
I am not come into this country with so many escus, 
to change them for his esterlins; but I am come that 
I may have all his land, according to his oath, and 
the gift of king Edward, who delivered me two 
youths of gentle lineage as hostages ; the one the 
son, the other the nephew of Godwin. I have them 
still in my keeping, and keep them I will, if I can, 
till I have right done unto me." 

Then the messenger replied, " Sire, you ask too 
much of us, far too much of my lord ; you would 
rob him of his honour and fair name, requiring him 
to deliver up his kingdom, as if he dared not defend 
it. All is still safe, and in good order with us; there 
is no weakness or decay in his force. He is not so 
pressed by the war, as that he should give up his land 
to you ; neither is it very agreeable that, because you 
wish for his kingdom, he should at once abandon it 
to you. Harold will not give you what you cannot 
take from him; but in good will, and as a matter of 
favour, and without fear of your threats, he will give 



140 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 

you as much as you desire of gold and silver, mo- 
ney and fine garments : and thus you may return 
to your country before any affray happen between 
you. If you will not accept this offer, know this, 
that if you abide his coming, he will be ready in 
the field on Saturday next, and on that day he will 
fight with you." 

The duke accepted this appointment, and the mes- 
senger took his leave ; but when he proposed to go, 
the duke gave him a horse and garments : and when 
he came back to Harold thus arrayed, he shewed all 
that the duke had given him, and told how he had 
been honoured, and all that had passed ; and Ha- 
rold repented much that he had done otherwise by 
Huon Margot. 




CHAPTER XIV. 

HOW THE ENGLISH CONSULTED, AND WENT TO MEET THE 

NORMAN HOST; AND HAROLD AND GURTII 

WENT FORTH TO RECONNOITRE. 



Whilst Harold and William communicated in this 
way by messengers, clerks and knights, the English 
assembled at London. When they were about to 
set out thence, I have heard tell that Gurth, one of 
Harold's brothers, reasoned thus with him. 



142 THE CHRONICLE 

" Fair brother, remain here, but give me your 
troops ; I will take the adventure upon me, and will 
fight William K I have no covenant with him, by 
oath or pledge ; I am in no fealty to him, nor do I 
owe him my faith. It may chance that there will 
be no need to come to blows ; but I fear that if you 
fight, you will pay the penalty of perjury, seeing you 
must forswear yourself; and he who has the right 
will win. But if I am conquered and taken prisoner, 
you, if God please, being alive, may still assemble 
your troops, and fight or come to such an arrange- 
ment with the duke, that you may hold your king- 
dom in peace. Whilst I go and fight the Normans, 
do you scour the country, burn the houses, destroy 
the villages, and carry off all stores and provisions, 
swine and goats and cattle ; that they may find no 
food, nor any thing whatever to subsist upon. Thus 
you may alarm and drive them back, for the duke 
must return to his own country if provisions for his 
army shall fail him." 

But Harold refused, and said that Gurth should 
not go against the duke and fight without him; and 
that he would not burn houses and villages, neither 



1 This emulation between the brothers is also vouched by Or- 
der icusVitalis. Gaimar, in one IMS. calls Gurth, Gerard; ano- 
ther MS. reads Gerd. 2 Benoit bears ample testimony to 
the personal qualifications of Harold : 

Pros ert Ileraut e virtuos, 

E empernanz e corajoz : 



OF THE CONQUEST. 143 

would he plunder his people. " How," said he, " can 
I injure the people I should govern? I cannot destroy 
or harass those who ought to prosper under me." 

However all agreed thatGurth's advice was good, 
and wished him to follow it ; but Harold, to shew 
his great courage, swore that they should not go to 
the field or fight without him. Men, he said, would 
hold him a coward, and many would blame him for 
sending his best friends where he dared not go him- 
self 2 . So he would not be detained, but set out from 
London, leading his men forward armed for the fight, 
till he erected his standard and fixed his gonfanon 
right where the abbey of the battle is now 
built. There he said he would defend himself 
against whoever should seek him ; and he had the 
place well examined, and surrounded it by a good 
fosse, leaving an entrance on each of three sides, 
which were ordered to be all well guarded. 

The Normans kept watch and remained through- 
out the night in arms, and on their guard ; for they 
were told that the English meant to advance and 
attack them that night. The English also feared 
that the Normans might attack them in the dark ; 



N'estoveit pas en nule terre 

Sos ciel meillor chevaler querre : 

Beaus esteit trop, e beaus parlers, 

Donierre e larges viandiers. 
His mother, according to the same authority, dissuaded him from 
the enterprise, equally with his brother; who, besides the reasons 



144 THE CHRONICLE 

so each kept guard the whole night, the one watch- 
ing the other. 

At break of day in the morning, Harold rose and 
Gurth with him. Noble chiefs were they both. Two 
warhorses were brought for them, and they issued 
forth from their entrenchment 3 . They took with them 
no knight, varlet on foot, nor squire ; and neither 
of them bore other arms than shield, lance and 
sword; their object being to reconnoitre the Nor- 
mans, and to know where and how they were posted. 
They rode on, viewing and examining the ground, 
till from a hill where they stood they could see 
those of the Norman host, who were near. They saw 
a great many huts made of branches of trees, tents 
well equipped, pavilions and gonfanons ; and they 
heard horses neighing, and beheld the glittering of 
armour. They stood a long while without speaking; 
nor do I know what they did, or what they said, or 
what counsel they held together there ; but on their 
return to their tent Harold spoke first. 

" Brother/' said he, " yonder are many people, 
and the Normans are very good knights, and well 
used to bear arms. What say you ? what do you 
advise ? With so great a host against us, I dare 
not do otherwise than fall back upon London: I will 
return thither and assemble a larger army." 



urged in Wace, presses the army's nerd of repose after the late cam- 
paign. 3 In the continuation of Waco's Brut d'Angk /< . re, 



OF THE CONQUEST. 145 

" Harold !" said Gurth, " thou base coward ! This 
counsel has come too late ; it is of no use now to 
flinch, we must move onward. Base coward ! when 
I advised you, and got the barons also to beseech 
you, to remain at London and let me fight, you 
would not listen to us, and now you must take the 
consequence. You would take no heed of any thing 
we could say ; you believed not me or any one else; 
now you are willing, but I will not. You have lost 
your pride too soon ; quickly indeed has what you 
have seen abated your courage. If you should turn 
back now, every one would say that you ran away. 
If men see you flee, who is to keep your people to- 
gether ? and if they once disperse, they will never 
be brought to assemble together again." 

Thus Harold and Gurth disputed, till their words 
grew angry, and Gurth would have struck his bro- 
ther, had he not spurred his horse on, so that the 
blow missed, and struck the horse behind the sad- 
dle, glancing along Harold's shield. Had it gone 
aright, it would have felled him to the ground. 
Gurth thus vented his humour, charging his bro- 
ther with cowardice ; but they galloped on to the 
tents, and shewed no sign of their dispute, neither 
let any ill will appear between them, when they saw 
their people coming. Lewine, Harold's next bro- 

Hurold's morning is differently employed; and a curious legend 
is given, assigning a reason for his defeat. See our appendix. 

L 



146 THE CHRONICLE 

ther after Gurth, had also arisen early, and gone to 
Harold's tent ; and when he found not his two bro- 
thers where he left them over night, he thought he 
should see them no more. " By Heaven," cried he, 
" they have been taken and delivered to their ene- 
mies ;" for he thought they must either have been 
killed, or betrayed to the Normans; and he ran forth 
like a madman, shouting and crying out as if he had 
lost his senses. But when he learned where they 
w 7 ere, and that they had gone out to reconnoitre the 
Normans, he and his companions, and the earls and 
barons, mounted quickly upon their horses, and set 
out from the tents; when behold ! they met the bro- 
thers. The barons took it ill that they went so im- 
prudently, and without any guard; but all turned 
back to the tents, and prepared for battle. 

When they came in front of the enemy, the sight 
alarmed them grievously; and Harold sent forth two 
spies 4 to reconnoitre the opposite troops, and see what 
barons and armed men the duke had brought with 
him. As they drew near to his army, they were ob- 
served, and being taken before William, were sore 



4 The spy's mistake is also told by William of Malmesbury. The 
Bayeux tapestry constantly represents the English with mous- 
taches, and the Normans with none. The latter, however, soon 
adopted the fashion of flowing hair. In 1106, the bishop of 
Seez thought it necessary, in a sermon before Hen. I. to inveigh 
bitterly against the custom of wearing long hair and long toes, then 
assumed by the Normans. 



OF THE CONQUEST 



147 



afraid. But when he learnt what was their errand, 
and that they wanted to estimate his strength, he 
had them taken through all the tents, and shewed 
the whole host to them. Then he used them ex- 
ceeding well, gave them abundantly to eat and drink, 
and let them go without injury or molestation. 

When they returned to their lord, they spoke very 
honourably of the duke; and one of them, who had 
seen that the Normans were so close shaven and 
cropt, that they had not even moustaches, supposed 
he had seen priests and mass-sayers; and he told 
Harold that the duke had more priests with him 
than knights or other people. But Harold replied, 
"Those are valiant knights, bold and brave warriors, 
though theybearnotbeardsormoustachesaswedo. ,> 




CHAPTER XV. 

WHAT FURTHER PARLEY WAS HAD BETWEEN THE KING 
AND DUKE WILLIAM BEFORE THE BATTLE. 

Then the duke chose a messenger, a monk learned 
and wise, well instructed and experienced, and sent 
him to king Harold. He gave him his choice, to 
take which he would of three things. He should 
either resign England and take his daughter to wife; 
or submit to the good judgment of the apostle and 
his people ; or meet him singly and fight body to 
body l , on the terms that he who killed the other, 
or could conquer and take him prisoner, should have 
England in peace, nobody else suffering. Harold 
said he would do neither; he would neither perform 
his covenant, nor put the matter in judgment, nor 
would he meet him and fight body to body. 



1 William of Poitiers mentions only the last of these propo- 
sals, and says that it greatly alarmed Harold ; on the same grounds, 
no doubt, as Gurtli had urged, against a vassal's coming into per- 
sonal conflict with one to whom he was bound in fealty, espe- 
cially when ratified by an oath ; notwithstanding an entirely frau- 
dulent creation of the pledge in the first instance. 



150 THE CHRONICLE 

Before the day of the battle, which was now become 
certain, the duke of his great courage told his ba- 
rons, that he would himself speak with Harold; and 
summon him with his own mouth to render up what 
he had defrauded him of, and see what he would 
answer ; that he would appeal him of perjury, and 
summon him on his pledged faith ; and if he would 
not submit, and make reparation forthwith, he would 
straightway defy, and fight him on the morrow ; but 
that if he yielded, he would, with the consent of his 
council, give up to him all beyond the Humber to- 
wards Scotland. 

The barons approved this, and some said to him, 
" Fair sir, one thing we wish to say to you ; if we 
must fight, let us fight promptly, and let there be 
no delay. Delay may be to our injury, for we have 
nothing to wait for, but Harold's people increase 
daily ; they come strengthening his army con- 
stantly with fresh forces." The duke said this was 
true, and he promised them that there should be no 
more delay. 

Then he made a score of knights mount upon their 
war-horses. All had their swords girt, and their 
other arms were borne by the squires who went with 
them. A hundred other knights mounted next, and 
went riding after them, but at a little distance; and 
then a thousand knights also mounted and followed 
the hundred, but only so near as to see what the 
hundred and the twenty did. 



Of THE CONQUEST. 151 

The duke then sent to Harold, whether by monk 
or abbot I know not, and desired him to come into 
the field, and speak with him, and to fear nothing, 
but bring with him whom he would, that they might 
talk of an arrangement. But Gurth did not wait 
for Harold's answer, and neither let him speak, nor 
go to talk with the duke ; for he instantly sprang 
up on his feet, and said to the messenger, " Harold 
will not go ! tell your lord to send his message to 
us hither, and let us know what he will take, and 
what he will leave, or what other arrangement he is 
willing to make." 

Whilst the messenger returned to carry this an- 
swer, Harold called together his friends and his earls, 
all by their names, to hear what message the duke 
would send back. And he sent word to Harold, that 
if he would abide by his covenant, he would give 
him all Northumberland, and whatever belonged to 
the kingdom beyond Humber ; and would also give 
to his brother Gurth the lands of Godwin their fa- 
ther. And if he refused this, he challenged him for 
perjury in not delivering up the kingdom, and not 
taking his daughter to wife, as he ought : in all this 
he had lied and broken faith; and unless he made 
reparation he defied him. And he desired the Eng- 
lish should know and take notice, that all who came 
with Harold, or supported him in this affair, were 
excommunicated by the apostle and the clergy. At 
this excommunication the English were much trou- 



152 THE CHRONICLE 

bled; they feared it, greatly, and the battle still 
more. And much murmuring was to be heard on 
all hands, and consulting one with the other ; none 
was so brave, but that he wished the battle might 
be prevented. 

" Seignors," said Gurth, " I know and see that 
you are in great alarm ; that you fear the event of 
the battle, and desire an arrangement : and so do I 
as much, and in truth more, I believe ; but I have 
also great fear of duke William, who is very full of 
treachery. You have heard what he says, and how 
low he rates us, and how he will only give us what 
he likes of a land which is not his yet. If we take 
what he offers, and go beyond the H umber, he will 
not long leave us even that, but will push us yet 
further. He will always keep his eye upon us, and 
bring us to ruin in the end. When he has got the 
uppermost, and has the best of the land, he will leave 
little for us, and will soon try to take it all. He 
wants to cheat us into taking instead of a rich coun- 
try, a poor portion of one, and presently he will have 
even that. I have another fear, which is more on 
your than on my own account, for I think I could 
easily secure myself. He has given away all your 
lands to knights of other countries. There is nei- 
ther earl nor baron to whom he has not made some 
rich present: there is no earldom, barony, nor cha- 
telainie, which he has not given away : and I tell 
you for a truth, that lie has already taken homage 



OF THE CONQUEST. 163 

from many, for your inheritances which he has given 
them. They will chase you from your lands, and 
still worse, will kill you. They will pillage your vas- 
sals, and ruin your sons and daughters: they do not 
come merely for your goods, but utterly to ruin you 
and your heirs. Defend yourselves then and your 
children, and all that belong to you, while you may. 
My brother hath never given away, nor agreed to 
give away the great fiefs, the honors, or lands of 
your ancestors ; but earls have remained earls, and 
barons enjoyed their rights; the sons have had their 
lands and fiefs after their fathers' deaths : and you 
know this to be true which I tell you, that peace 
was never disturbed. We may let things remain 
thus if we will, and it is best for us so to determine. 
But if you lose your houses, your manors, demesnes, 
and other possessions, where you have been nou- 
rished all your lives, what will you become, and 
what will you do? Into what country will you flee, 
and what will become of your kindred, your wives 
and children ? In what land will they go begging, 
and where shall they seek an abode ? When they 
thus lose their own honour, how shall they seek it 
of others V 

By these words of Gurth, and by others which 
were said at his instance, and by pledges from Ha- 
rold to add to the fiefs of the barons, and by his pro- 
mises of things which were then out of his power 
to give, the English were aroused, and swore by 



154 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 

God, and cried out, that the Normans had come on 
an evil day, and had embarked on a foolish matter. 
Those who had lately desired peace, and feared the 
battle, now carried themselves boldly, and were 
eager to fight ; and Gurth had so excited the coun- 
cil, that no man who had talked of peace would have 
been listened to, but would have been reproved by 
the most powerful there 2 . 



2 Benoit follows the story that Harold had planned a surprise on 
William's army, and had sent another force round by sea to in- 
tercept his retreat. 

La nuit que li ceus fu teniegres, 

Soprendre quidout l'ost Normant 

En la pointe del ajornant, 

Si qu'el champ out ses gens armees 

E ses batailles devisees : 

Enz la mer out fait genz entrer 

Por ceus prendre, por ceus garder 

Qui de la bataille fuireient, 

E qui as nefs revertireient. 

Treis cenz en i orent e plus. 

Des ore ne quident que li dux 

Lor puisse eschaper, ne seit pris, 

Ou en la grant bataille occis. 



ODOEPS 



OTBERT* 




CHAPTER XVI. 



HOW BOTH HOSTS PASSED THE NIGHT AMD MADE 

READY FOR BATTLE J AND HOW THE 
DUKE EXHORTED HIS MEN. 



The duke and his men tried no further negotiation, 
but returned to their tents, sure of fighting on the 
morrow. Then men were to be seen on every side 
straightening lances, fitting hauberks and helmets ; 
making ready the saddles and stirrups; filling the 
quivers, stringing the bows, and making all ready 
for the battle. 

I have heard tell that the night before the day 
of battle, the English were very merry, laughing 
much and enjoying themselves. All night they ate 



156 THE CHRONICLE 

and drank, and never lay down on their beds. They 
might be seen carousing, gambolling and dancing, 
and singing; bublie they cried, and weissel, and 
laticome and drincheheil, drinc-hindre- 

WART and DRINTOME, DRINC-HELF, and DRINC- 

tome 1 . Thus they bemeaned themselves; but the 
Normans and French betook themselves all night 
to their orisons, and were in very serious mood. 
They made confession of their sins, and accused 

1 We make no attempt to translate Wace's Saxon ; for which a 
previous examination of his original MS. not now in existence, 
would certainly be a necessary preliminary. The existing copies 
are obviously the work of French transcribers, wholly ignorant, no 
doubt, of the Saxon. The MS. of Duchesne is said to read, for 
the two first words, ' bufler ' and ' welseil.' Three of the words 
sound at least like ' wassail/ ' drink to me, ' and ' drink health' 
or l half.' In the appendix to M. Raynouard's observations on 
Wace, some suggestions are given from high English authority ; 
but they throw very little light upon the matter. See Jeffrey of 
Monmouth'' s story of Vortigem and Rowena. Robert de Brunne, 
in translating the passage, makes Rowena give this explanation 
of the Saxon custom : 

This is ther custom and ther gest 

Whan thei are at the ale or fest ; 

Ilk man that loves where him think 

Sail say wassail, and to him drink. 

He that bids sail say wassail ; 

The tother sail say again drinhhail ; 

That said wassail drinkes of the cup, 

Kissand his felow he gives it up ; 

Drink/tail, HE says, and drinkes thereof, 

Kissand him in bord and skof. 



OF THE CONQUEST. 157 

themselves to the priests; and whoso had no priest 
near him, confessed himself to his neighbour. 

The day on which the battle was to take place 
being Saturday, the Normans, by the advice of the 
priests, vowed that they would nevermore while they 
lived eat flesh on that day. GifFrei 2 , bishop of Cou- 
tanes, received confessions, and gave benedictions, 
and imposed penances on many; and so did the 
bishop of Bayeux, who carried himself very nobly. 



The king said, as the knight gan ken, 

Drinkhail, smiland on Rouwen ; 

Rouwen drank as hire list, 

And gave the king, sine him kist. 

Ther was the first wassail in dede, 

And that first of fame gede ; 

Of that wassail men told grete tale, &c. 
2 Jeffery de Moubray, — Molbraium in Ordericus Vitalis, — 
chief justiciary of England. See in Cotman's Normandy, vol. 
i. p. Ill, details concerning the munificent spirit of this prelate; 
and of the cathedral of Coutances, to the erection of which he de- 
dicated his immense wealth. See also Ellis, Domesday, i. 400. 
The Moubray family at the conquest consisted of the bishop, his 
brother Roger, whom we shall find noticed below, and a sister Amy, 
married to Roger d'Aubigny, or de Albini, ancestor of the earls 
of Arundel. Roger Moubray 's son Robert succeeded to the bi- 
shop's estates, comprising, it is said, 280 manors in England, and 
he became earl of Northumberland. At his disgrace not only his 
estates, but his wife passed to his cousin Nigel d'Aubigny, Amy's 
son, whose descendants took the name of Moubray. The scite 
of the castle of Monbrai is in the arrondissement of St. Lo. In 
the Norman Roll, red book of the Exchequer, we find ' Nigellus 



CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 159 

He was bishop of the Bessin, Odes by name, the son 
of Herluin 3 , and brother of the duke on the mother's 
side. He brought to his brother a great body of 
knights and other men, being very rich in gold and 
silver. 

On the fourteenth day of October was fought the 
battle whereof I am about to tell you. 

The priests had watched all night, and besought 
and called on God, and prayed to him in their cha- 
pels which were fitted up throughout the host. They 
offered and vowed fasts, penances, and orisons; they 
said psalms and misereres, litanies and kyriels ; they 
cried on God, and for his mercy, and said pater- 
nosters and masses; some the spirit us do mini, 
others salus populi, and many salve sancte 
parens, being suited to the season, as belonging 
to that day, which was Saturday. And when the 
masses were sung, which were finished betimes in 
the morning, all the barons assembled and came to 
the duke, and it was arranged they should form three 
divisions, so as to make the attack in three places. 

The duke stood on a hill, where he could best 
see his men ; the barons surrounded him, and he 
spoke to them proudly : 

" Much ought I," said he, " to love you all, and 
much should I confide in you; much ought and will 

et ad servituurn suum xi mil. quart, et octav.' a Odo, the 

bishop of Bayeux; son of Herluin, the knight who married Ar- 



160 THE CHRONICLE 

I thank you who have crossed the sea for me, and 
have come with me into this land. It grieves me 
that I cannot now render such thanks as are due 
to you, but when I can I will, and what I have shall 
be yours. If I conquer, you will conquer. If I win 
lands, you shall have lands ; for I say most truly 
that I am not come merely to take for myself what 
I claim, but to punish the felonies, treasons, and 
falsehoods which the men of this country have always 
done and said to our people. They have done much 
ill to our kindred, as well as to other people, for 
they do all the treason and mischief they can. On 
the night of the feast of St. Bricun, they committed 
horrible treachery ; they slew all the Danes in one 
day; they had eaten with them, and then slew 
them in their sleep ; no fouler crime was ever heard 
of than in this manner to kill the people who trust- 
ed in them. 

" You have all heard of Alwered 4 , and how God- 
win betrayed him ; he saluted and kissed him, ate 
and drank with him ; then betrayed, seized and 
bound him, and delivered him to the felon king, who 
confined him in the Isle of Eli, tore out his eyes, 
and afterwards killed him. He had the men of Nor- 



lette, William's mother. 4 These transactions have been no- 

ticed in an earlier portion of our Chronicle, see page 35. 5 Guild- 
ford. 6 Henri/ of Huntingdon puts quite a different speech 
into William's mouth, reminding the Normans of their capture and 
detainer of the king of France, till he delivered Normandy to duke 



OF THE CONQUEST. 161 

mandy also brought to Gedefort 5 , and decimated 
them ; and when the tenth was set apart, hear what 
felony they committed! they decimated that tenth 
once more, because it appeared too many to save. 
These felonies, and many other which they have 
done to our ancestors, and to our friends who de- 
meaned themselves honourably, we will revenge on 
them, if God so please. When we have conquered 
them, we will take their gold and silver, and the 
wealth of which they have plenty, and their manors, 
which are rich. We shall certainly easily conquer 
them, for in all the world there is not so brave an 
army, neither such proved men and vassals, as are 
here assembled 6 ." 

Then they began to cry out, " You will not see 
one coward ; none here will fear to die for love of 
you, if need be." 

And he answered them, " I thank you well. For 
God's sake spare not; strike hard at the beginning; 
stay not to take spoil; all the booty shall be in com- 
mon, and there will be plenty for every one. There 
will be no safety in peace or flight ; the English will 
never love or spare Normans. Felons they were and 
are ; false they were and false they will be. Shew 



Richard, and (as the chronicler states) assented to the stipulation, 
that in conferences between the king and the duke, the latter 
should wear his sword, but the king not even a knife. UEstoire 
de Seint AZdward le rei makes William use similar expressions, 
but on a different occasion, that of rallying his men. 
M 



162 TF1E CHRONICLE 

no weakness towards them, for they will have no 
pity on you ; neither the coward for his flight, nor 
the bold man for his strokes, will be the better liked 
by the English, nor will any be the more spared on 
that account. You may fly to the sea, but you can 
fly no further ; you will find neither ship nor bridge 
there ; there will be no sailors to receive you ; and 
the English will overtake you and kill you in your 
shame. More of you will die in flight than in bat- 
tle; flight, therefore, will not secure you; but fight, 
and you will conquer. I have no doubt of the vic- 
tory ; we are come for glory, the victory is in our 
hands, and we may make sure of obtaining it if we 
so please." 

As the duke said this, and would have said yet 
more, William Fitz Osber rode up, his horse being- 
all coated with iron 7 ; " Sire," said he to his lord, 
" we tarry here too long, let us all arm ourselves. 
"Allons! allons!" 

Then all went to their tents and armed themselves 
as they best might ; and the duke was very busy, 
giving every one his orders ; and he was courteous 



7 A 90 ke Willame diseit, 
Et encore plus dire voleit, 
Vint Willame li filz Osber, 
Son cheval tot covert dej'cr ; 
" Sire," dist-il," trop demoron, 
" Armons nos tuit; allon ! allon !" 
[ssi sunt as tentes ale, &c. 



OF THE CONQUEST. 163 

to all the vassals, giving away many arms and horses 
to them. 

When he prepared to arm himself, he called first 
for his good hauberk, and a man brought it on his 
arm, and placed before him; but in putting his head 
in, to get it on, he inadvertently turned it the wrong 
way, with the back part in front. He quickly chan- 
ged it, but, when he saw that those who stood by 
were sorely alarmed, he said, " I have seen many 
a man who, if such a thing had happened to him, 
would not have borne arms, or entered the field the 
same day ; but I never believed in omens, and I 
never will. I trust in God ; for he does in all things 
his pleasure, and ordains what is to come to pass, 
according to his will. I have never liked fortune- 
tellers, nor believed in diviners; but I commend my- 
self to our Lady. Let not this mischance give you 
trouble. The hauberk which was turned wrong, and 
then set right by me, signifies that a change will 
arise out of the matter we are now moving. You 
shall see the name of duke changed into king. Yea, 
a king shall I be, who hitherto have been but duke 8 ." 



See the observations of M. Deville on this description, in Mem. 
Ant. Norm, v. 81. Such an equipment of a horse at so early a 
period has no other authority, and is probably an anachronism. 
But it may be observed that Wace's description at least shows 
that the practice was already in existence in his day, which we be- 
lieve could not be otherwise proved. 8 This circumstance 
is also told by William of Poitiers. In the Estoire de Seint Md- 






164 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 

Then he crossed himself, and straightway took 
his hauberk, stooped his head, and put it on aright; 
and laced his helmet and girt his sword, which a var- 
let brought him. 



ward le rei the scene of the reversed hauberk is thus described 
Li dues, ki s'arma tost apres, 
Sun hauberc endosse en vers. 
Dist ki l'arma, " Seit tort u dreit 
Verruns ke li dues rois seit." ' 
Li dues, ki la raisun ot, 
Un petit surrist au mot, 
Dist, " Ore seit a la devise 
Celui ki le mund justise !'' 



CHAPTER XVII. 

WHO WAS CHOSEN TO BEAR THE DUKES GONFANON 
IN THE BATTLE. 

Then the duke called for his good horse; a better 
could not be found. It had been sent him by a king 
of Spain as a token of friendship K Neither arms 
nor throng did it fear, when its lord spurred on. 
Galtier Giffart, who had been to St. Jago, brought 
it. The duke stretched out his hand, took the reins, 
put foot in stirrup and mounted; and the good horse 
pawed, pranced, reared himself up, and curvetted. 
The viscount of Toarz saw how the duke bore him- 
self in arms, and said to his people that were around 
him, " Never have I seen a man so fairly armed, 
nor one who rode so gallantly, or bore his arms, or 
became his hauberk so well ; neither any one who 
bore his lance so gracefully, or sat his horse and 
manoeuvred him so nobly. There is no other such 
knight under heaven ! a fair count he is, and fair king 

1 Sent perhaps on the occasion of thebetrothmentof William's 
daughter to the king of Gallicia, which has been before men- 



168 THE CHRONICLE 

he will be. Let him fight and he shall overcome ; 
shame be to him who shall fail him !" 

The duke called for horses, and had several led 
out to him; each had a good sword hanging at the 
saddlebow, and those who led the horses bore lances. 
Then the barons armed themselves, the knights and 
the lancemen 2 ; and the whole were divided into 
three companies ; each company having many lords 
and captains appointed to them, that there might 
be no cowardice, or fear of loss of member or life. 

The duke called a serving man, and ordered him 
to bring forth the gonfanon which the pope had sent 
him ; and he who bore it having unfolded it, the duke 
took it, reared it, and called to Raol de Conches 3 ; 
" Bear my gonfanon/' said he, " for I would not but 
do you right ; by right and by ancestry your line 
are standard bearers of Normandy, and very good 
knights have they all been." "Many thanks to 
you," said Raol, "for acknowledging our right; but 

tioned. a ' Gueldon' is Wace's word here and elsewhere ; which 
M. Pluquet interprets — a peasant armed with a long lance or pike. 
3 Ralf de Coaches, in the arrondissement of Evreux, — some- 
times called de Tony, or Toeny, which is in the commune of 
Gaillon, arrondissement of Louviers, — son of Roger de Tony, he- 
reditary standard bearer of Normandy. Ralf is a landholder in 
Domesday; Saham-Tony in Norfolk still records the name. His 
father founded the abbey of Conches. See Ellis, Introduction to 
Domesday, i. 493. In the Norman roll in the Red book of the 
Exchequer, we find, ' de honore de Conches et de Toeneio 44 
mil. et 6 mil. quos Matheus de Clara tenet: preter hoc quod 



OF THE CONQUEST. 169 

by my faith, the gonfanon shall not this day be borne 
by me. To-day I claim quittance of the service, for 
I would serve you in other guise. I will go with 
you into the battle, and will fight the English as 
long as life shall last, and know that my hand will 
be worth any twenty of such men." 

Then the duke turned another way, and called to 
him Galtier Giffart 4 . " Do thou take this gonfa- 
non," said he, "and bear it in the battle." But Gal- 
tier Giffart answered, " Sire, for God's mercy look 
at my white and bald head; my strength has fallen 
away, and my breath become shorter. The standard 
should be borne by one who can endure long la- 
bour ; I shall be in the battle, and you have not 
any man who will serve you more truly ; I will strike 
with my sword till it shall be died in your enemies' 
blood." 

Then the duke said fiercely, " By the splendour 
of God 5 , my lords, I think you mean to betray and 



comes de Albamara, et comes Hugo Bigot, et Hugo de Mortuo- 
mari tenent de foedo illo : ad servitium vero regis nesciunt quot.' 
4 Walter Giffart, lord of Longueville, in the arrondissement 
of Dieppe, son of Osbern de Bolbec, and Aveline his wife, sister 
of Gunnor, the wife of duke Richard I. In reference to the allu- 
sions in the text to Walter Giffart's age, M. Le Prevost observes 
that it was his son, a second of the name, who lived till 1 102, hav- 
ing been made earl of Buckingham. See Inlrod. Domesday, vol. 
i. 484; also vol. ii. 23, as to an Osbern Giffart. In the Norman 
roll of the Red book, ' De honore comitis Giffardi 98 mil. et dim. 
et quartam partem et 2 part, ad serv. com.' He is also among the 



170 THE CHRONICLE 

fail me in this great need." " Sire," said GifFart, 
" not so ! we have done no treason, nor do I refuse 
from any felony towards you ; but I have to lead a 
great chivalry, both soldiers and the men of my fief. 
Never had I such good means of serving you as I 
now have ; and if God please, I will serve you : if 
need be, I will die for you, and will give my own 
heart for yours." 

"By my faith," quoth the duke, "I always loved 
thee, and now I love thee more ; if I survive this 
day, thou shalt be the better for it all thy days." 
Then he called out a knight, whom he had heard 
much praised, Tosteins Fitz Rou le blanc 6 , by 
name, whose abode was at Bec-en-Caux 7 . To him 
he delivered the gonfanon; and Tosteins took it right 
cheerfully, and bowed low to him in thanks, and 
bore it gallantly, and with good heart. His kindred 
still have quittance of all service for their inherit- 

knights holding of the church of Bayeux ' 1 mil.' 5 William's 
customary oath. Wace has before said, vol. ii. 51 : 

Jura par la resplendor De, 

Qo ert suvent sun serement. 
6 Turstin us filius Rollonis vexillum Normannorum portavit: 
Ordcric. Vit. Several Normans bore the name of Toustain or Tur- 
stin as a baptismal name : but it afterwards became the family 
name of a noble house in upper Normandy ; who, in memory of 
the office performed at Hastings, took for supporters of their arms, 
two angels, each bearing a banner. A. L. P. Turstin Fitz- Rou re- 
ceived large English estates in England. Besides Turstin there is 
a Robert Fitz-Rou in Domesday, possibly his brother. See our 
subsequent note on Gilbert Crespin and his family, to which 



OF THE CONQUEST. 171 

ance on that account, and their heirs are entitled so 
to hold their inheritance for ever. 

William sat on his warhorse, and called out Ro- 
gier, whom they call de Montgomeri 8 . " I rely 
much on you," said he; "lead your men thitherward, 
and attack them from that side. William, the son 
of Osber 9 , the seneschal, a right good vassal, shall 
go with you and help in the attack, and you shall 
have the men of Boilogne and Poix 10 , and all my 
soldiers 11 . Alain Fergant and Aimeri shall attack 
on the other side; they shall lead the Poitevins and 
the Bretons, and all the barons of Maine ; and I 
with my own great men, my friends and kindred, 
will fight in the middle throng, where the battle 
shall be the hottest." 

The barons and knights and lancemen 12 were all 
now armed ; the men on foot were well equipped, 
each bearing bow and sword : on their heads were 



Turstin belonged ; and see Introd. Domesday, i. 479, 497. 7 Bec- 
aux-Cauchois, in the arrondissement of Ivetot; not Bec-Cres- 
pin, in that of Havre. 8 Roger, son of Hugh de Mont- 

gomeri. He was lord of Montgomeri, in the arrondissement of 
Lisieux; of Alen9on and of Bellesme, in right of his wife Mabel ; 
he became earl of Shrewsbury, of Chichester and Arundel, and 
died 1094. See Introd. Domesday, i. 479. According to Ordericus 
Vitalis, A. D. 1067, Roger remained in Normandy during the 
expedition. 9 Lord of Breteuil ; seneschal of the duke as has 
been before mentioned. ,0 Poix in Picardy, and Boulogne- 

sur-mer. Wace seems to omit Eustace of Boulogne, conspi- 
cuous in other historians. Aimeri was viscount of Thouars. 
11 ' Soldciers' is used by Wace in its strict sense, of men serving 



172 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 

caps 13 , and to their feet were bound buskins 1 *. 
Some had good hides which they had bound round 
their bodies ; and many were clad in frocks 15 , and 
had quivers and bows hung to their girdles. The 
knights had hauberks and swords, boots of steel and 
shining helmets; shields at their necks, and in their 
hands lances. And all had their cognizances 16 , so 
that each might know his fellow, and Norman might 
not strike Norman, nor Frenchman kill his country- 
man by mistake. Those on foot led the way, with 
serried ranks, bearing their bows. The knights rode 
next, supporting the archers from behind. Thus 
both horse and foot kept their course and order of 
march as they began ; in close ranks at a gentle pace, 
that the one might not pass or separate from the 
other. All went firmly and compactly, bearing 
themselves gallantly; and in each host stood archers 
ready to exchange shots. 



merely for hire. 12 'Gueldon,' as before. l3 * Chapels,' 

perhaps hoods. w ' Panels.' 15 ' Gambais.' ,6 See be- 
fore, page 22, as to cognizances and banners. 




F^ngj ) 



CHAPTER XVIII. 



HOW THE MEN OF ENGLAND MADE READY, AND 
WHO THEY WERE. 



Harold had summoned his men, earls, barons, and 
vavassors, from the castles and the cities ; from the 
ports, the villages, and boroughs. The villains were 
also called together from the villages, bearing such 
arms as they found ; clubs and great picks, iron 
forks and stakes. The English had enclosed the 
field where Harold was with his friends, and the 



174 THE CHRONICLE 

barons of the country whom he had summoned and 
called together. Those of London had come at once, 
and those of Kent, of Herfort, and of Essesse ; those 
of Suree and Sussesse, of St. Edmund and Sufoc; of 
Norwis and Norfoc ; of Cantorbierre and Stanfort ; 
Bedefort and Hundetone 1 . The men of Northan- 
ton also came ; and those of Eurowic and Bokin- 
keham, of Bed and Notinkeham, Lindesie and 
Nichole. There came also from the west all who 
heard the summons ; and very many were to be seen 
coming from Salebiere and Dorset, from Bat and 
from Sumerset. Many came too from about Glo- 
cestre, and many from Wirecestre, from Wincestre, 
Hontesire, and Brichesire ; and many more from 
other counties that we have not named, and cannot 
indeed recount. All who could bear arms, and had 
learnt the news of the duke's arrival, came to de- 
fend the land. But none came from beyond Hum- 
bre, for they had other business upon their hands ; 
the Danes and Tosti having; much damaged and 
weakened them. 

Harold knew that the Normans would come and 
attack him hand to hand: so he had early enclosed 



1 Huntingdon. When Wace's orthography is peculiar, we fol- 
low it. For Bed, which seems a repetition of Bedford, M. de la 
Rue's MS. reads Bedi. Eurowic is York; Nichol — Lincoln; 
Salebiere — Salisbury ; Bat — Bath ; Hontesire— Hampshire ; Brich- 
esire — Berkshire. 2 ' Vassal.' 3 'Gisarmes.' " Wace mentions 
the gisarme as an exceedingly destructive weapon, used by the 



OF THE CONQUEST. 173 

the field in which he placed his men. He made them 
arm early, and range themselves for the battle ; he 
himself having put on arms and equipments that be- 
came such a lord. The duke, he said, ought to seek 
him, as he wanted to conquer England ; and it be- 
came him to abide the attack, who had to defend 
the land. He commanded his people, and counsell- 
ed his barons to keep themselves all together, and 
defend themselves in a body ; for if they once sepa- 
rated, they would with difficulty recover themselves. 
"The Normans/' said he, "are good vassals 2 , valiant 
on foot and on horseback; good knights are they on 
horseback, and well used to battle ; all is lost if they 
once penetrate our ranks. They have brought long 
lances and swords, but you have pointed lances and 
keen edged bills 3 ; and I do not expect that their 
arms can stand against yours. Cleave whenever you 
can ; it will be ill done if you spare aught." 

Harold had many and brave men that came from 
all quarters in great numbers; but a multitude of 
men is of little worth, if the favour of Heaven is 
wanting. Many and many have since said, that Ha- 
rold had but a small force, and that he fell on that 



Saxons at the battle of Hastings : but by the Gisarme he evi- 
dently means the ' by],' to which he gives a Norman name :" — see 
Hist, of British costume, 1834, page 33. The Saxons used also 
the bipennis, or ' twy-byl.' The bill was an axe with long handle. 
Benoit mentions ' haches Danoises/ which probably were the 
double axes. See also Maseres's note on Will lam of Poitiers, 



176 THE CHRONICLE 

account. But many others say, and so do I, that 
he and the duke had man for man. The men of 
the duke were not more numerous ; but he had cer- 
tainly more barons, and the men were better. He 
had plenty of good knights, and great plenty of good 
archers. 

The English peasants 4 carried hatchets 5 , and 
keen edged bills 6 . They had built up a fence before 
them with their shields, and with ash and other wood ; 
and had well joined and wattled in the whole work, 
so as not to leave even a crevice; and thus they had 
a barricade in their front, through which any Nor- 
man who would attack them must first pass. Being 
covered in this way by their shields and barricades, 
their aim was to defend themselves ; and if they had 
remained steady for that purpose, they would not 
have been conquered that day ; for every Norman 
who made his way in, lost his life in dishonour, 
either by hatchet or bill, by club or other weapon. 
They wore short 7 and close hauberks, and helmets 
that over hung their garments 8 . 

King Harold issued orders and made proclama- 



129. Wace afterwards says of the hache of an English knight : 

Hache noresche out mult bele, 

Plus de plain pie out l'alemele. 
4 'Geldon.' 5 'Haches.' 6 'Gisarmes.' 7 Even down to 
the fifteenth century the Normans are said to have called the En- 
glish l courts vestus.' See the songs at the end of the Vaur-dc- 
vires of Olivier Basselin. 8 This seems further explained 



OF THE CONQUEST. 177 

tion round, that all should be ranged with their faces 
toward the enemy ; and that no one should move 
from where he was ; so that whoever came might 
find them ready; and that whatever any one, be he 
Norman or other, should do, each should do his best 
to defend his own place. Then he ordered the men 
of Kent to go where the Normans were likely to 
make the attack; for they say that the men of Kent 
are entitled to strike first ; and that whenever the 
king goes to battle, the first blow belongs to them. 
The right of the men of London is to guard the 
king's body, to place themselves around him, and 
to guard his standard ; and they were accordingly 
placed by the standard, to watch and defend it. 

When Harold had made all ready, and given his 
orders, he came into the midst of the English, and 
dismounted by the side of the standard. Leofwin and 
Gurth, his brothers, were with him; and around him 
he had barons enough, as he stood by his gonfanon, 
which was in truth a noble one, sparkling with gold 
and precious stones. After the victory William sent 
it to the apostle, to prove and commemorate his great 



afterwards by the description of the English knight's helmet : 

Un helme aveit tot fait de fust, 

Ke colp el chief ne receust; 

A sez dras l'aveit atachie, 

Et envirun son col lacie. 
But the text is often so imperfect, and at such variance from the 
ordinary rules of Norman French grammar, that it is frequently 

N 



178 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 

conquest and glory. The English stood in close 
ranks, ready and eager for the fight; and they had 
moreover made a fosse, which went across the field, 
guarding one side of their army 9 . 



hard to be certain as to the fidelity of a translation. 9 Orde- 

ricus Vitalis states that the spot where the battle was fought was 
anciently called Sen lac. That word certainly sounds very like 
French, and as originating in the blood which flowed there : but 
his expression has been thought to carry the antiquity of the 
name, in his opinion at least, much earlier than the date of the 
battle. We think it right to subjoin Wace's original record of the 
privileges of the men of Kent and London ; as to which see Pal- 
grave's Rise and progress of the English Common-wealth, I. 
ccclxxii. 

Kar po dient ke cil de Kent 

Deivent ferir primierement ; 

U ke li reis auge en estor, 

Li premier colp deit estre lor. 

Cil de Lundres, par dreite fei, 

Deivent garder li cors li rei ; 

Tut entur li deivent ester, 

E l'estandart deivent garder. 



CHAPTER XIX. 

HOW THE THREE NORMAN COMPANIES MOVED ON TO 
ATTACK THE ENGLISH. 

Meanwhile the Normans appeared, advancing 
over the ridge of a rising ground ; and the first di- 
vision of their troops moved onwards along the hill 
and across a valley. As they advanced king Ha- 
rold saw them afar off, and calling to Gurth, said, 
" Brother, which way are you looking ? See you 
the duke coming yonder ? Our people will have no 
mischief from the force I see yonder. There are not 
men enough there to conquer the great force we have 
in this land. I have four times a hundred thousand 
armed men, knights and peasants." 

"By my faith," answered Gurth, " you have many 
men ; but a great gathering of vilanaille is worth 
little in battle. You have plenty of men in every 
day clothes, but I fear the Normans much ; for all 
who have come from over sea are men to be feared. 
They are all well armed, and come on horseback, 
and will trample our people under foot ; they have 
many lances and shields, hauberks and helmets ; 
glaives and swords, bows and barbed arrows that 
are swift, and fly fleeter than the swallow." 



182 THE CHRONICLE 

" Gurth, ,, said Harold, " be not dismayed, God 
can give us sufficient aid, if he so pleases ; and there 
certainly is no need to be alarmed at yonder army." 

But while they yet spoke of the Normans they 
were looking at, another division, still larger, came 
in sight, close following upon the first ; and they 
wheeled towards another side of the field, forming- 
together as the first body had done. Harold saw 
and examined them, and pointing them out to Gurth, 
said to him, " Gurth, our enemies grow ; knights 
come up thickening their ranks; they gather toge- 
ther from all around ; I am dismayed, and was never 
before so troubled : I much fear the result of the 
battle, and my heart is in great tribulation. " 

" Harold," said Gurth, " you did ill when you 
fixed a day for the battle. I lament that you came, 
and that you did not remain at London, or at Win- 
chester : but it is now too late ; it must be as it is." 

" Sire brother," replied Harold, "bygone counsel 
is little worth • let us defend ourselves as we can ; 
I know no other remedy." 

" If," said Gurth, " you had stayed in London, 
you might have gone thence from town to town, and 
the duke would never have followed you. He would 
have feared you and the English, and would have 
returned or made peace; and thus you would have 
saved your kingdom. You would not believe me, 
nor value the advice I gave ; you fixed the day of 
battle, and sought it of your own free will.* 



OF THE CONQUEST. 183 

" Gurth," said Harold, " I did it for good ; I 
named Saturday because I was born on a Saturday; 
and my mother used to tell me that good luck would 
attend me on that day." 

" He is a fool/' said Gurth, " who believes in luck, 
which no brave man ought to do. No brave man 
should trust to luck. Every one has his day of 
death ; you say you were born on a Saturday, and 
on that day also you may be killed." 

Meanwhile, a fresh company came in sight, co- 
vering all the plain ; and in the midst of them was 
raised the gonfanon that came from Rome. Near 
it was the duke, and the best men and greatest 
strength of the army were there. The good knights, 
the good vassals and brave warriors were there ; and 
there were gathered together the gentle barons, the 
good archers, and the lancemen, whose duty it was 
to guard the duke, and range themselves around 
him. The youths and common herd of the camp, 
whose business was not to join in the battle, but to 
take care of the harness and stores, moved off to- 
wards a rising ground. The priests and the clerks 
also ascended a hill, there to offer up prayers to God, 
and watch the event of the battle. 

Harold saw William come, and beheld the field 
covered with arms, and how the Normans divided 
into three companies, in order to attack at three 
places. I know not of which he was most afraid ; 
but his trouble was so great that he could scarcely 



184 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 

say, " We are fallen on an evil lot, and I fear much 
lest we come to shame. The count of Flanders hath 
betrayed me : I trusted to him, and was a fool for 
so doing ; when he sent me word by letter, and as- 
sured me by messages that William could never col- 
lect so great a chivalry. On the faith of his report I 
delayed my preparations, and now I rue the delay." 

Then his brother Gurth drew near, and they 
placed themselves by the standard ; each praying 
God to protect them. Around them were their kins- 
men, and those barons who were their nearest 
friends; and they besought all to do their best, see- 
ing that none could now avoid the conflict. Each 
man had his hauberk on, with his sword girt and 
his shield at his neck. Great hatchets were also 
slung at their necks, with which they expected to 
strike heavy blows. They were on foot in close 
ranks, and carried themselves right boldly ; yet if 
they had foretold the issue, well might they have 
bewailed the evil fate — cruel and hard of a truth — 
that was approaching. Olicrosse 1 they often 
cried, and many times repeated Go d em it e 2 . ' Oli- 
crosse' is in English what ' Sainte Croix' is in French, 
and 'Godemite' the same as ' Dex tot poissant* in 
French. 

The Normans brought on the three divisions of 



1 Holy cross. M. de la Rue's MS. reads < Alicrot.' 2 God 
Almighty. 



186 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 

their army to attack at different places. They set 
out in three companies, and in three companies did 
they fight. The first and second had come up, and 
then advanced the third, which was the greatest ; 
with that came the duke with his own men, and all 
moved boldly forward. 

As soon as the two armies were in full view of 
each other, great noise and tumult arose. You 
might hear the sound of many trumpets, of bugles 
and of horns j and then you might see men rang- 
ing themselves in line, lifting their shields, raising 
their lances, bending their bows, handling their ar- 
rows, ready for assault and for defence. The Eng- 
lish stood steady to their post, the Normans still 
moving on ; and when they drew near, the English 
were to be seen stirring to and fro ; men going and 
coming; troops ranging themselves in order; some 
with their colour rising, others turning pale ; some 
making ready their arms, others raising their shields; 
the brave man rousing himself to the fight, the cow- 
ard trembling at the approaching danger. 



CHAPTER XX. 

HOW TAILLEFER SANG, AND THE BATTLE BEGAN. 

Then Taillefer x who sang right well, rode mounted 
on a swift horse before the duke, singing of Karle- 
maine, and of Rollant, of Oliver and the vassals who 
died in Renchevals 2 . And when they drew nigh to 
the English, a A boon, sire !" cried Taillefer; u I 



1 Bishop Guy, in his Carmen de hello Hastingensi, thus des- 
cribes Taillefer, 

' Incisor ferri mimus cognomine dictus/ 
He is there also called 'histrio,' but his singing is not mentioned. 
' Hortatur Gallos verbis, et irritat Anglos ; 
Alte projiciens ludit et ense suo.' 
An Englishman starts out of the ranks to attack him, but is slain 
by the ' incisor ferri,' who thus 

1 — belli principium monstrat et esse suum.' 
Nothing is said as to his fate, which Wace also passes over. 2 It 
has been contended that Wace misunderstood Taillefer's song, 
which the Latin historians call ' Cantilena Rollandi ;' and it has 
been further conjectured that what was meant was a song of 
Rollo, or possibly of Rognavald his father ; that out of this latter 
name the French minstrels formed Rolland ; and that Wace con- 
founded him with Charlemagne's Paladin. See Sharon Turner's 
History of England ; the Abbe de la Rue's late work, vol. i. 143 ; 



190 THE CHRONICLE 

have long served you, and you owe me for all such 
service. To-day, so please you, you shall repay it. 
I ask as my guerdon, and beseech you for it ear- 
nestly, that you will allow me to strike the first 
blow in the battle!" 

And the duke answered, " I grant it." Then 
Taillefer put his horse to a gallop, charging before 
all the rest, and struck an Englishman dead, driv- 
ing his lance below the breast into his body, and 
stretching him upon the ground 3 . Then he drew his 
sword, and struck another, crying out " Come on ! 
come on! What do ye, sirs? lay on ! lay on !" At 
the second blow he struck, the English pushed for- 
ward and surrounded him 4 . Forthwith arose the noise 
and cry of war, and on either side the people put 
themselves in motion. The Normans moved on to 



and M. Michel's Examen critique du roman de Berte aux grans 
pies, Paris, 1832. We must refer the reader to these authorities 
on the controversy. The probability we must say, however, ap- 
pears to us to be, that the minstrelsy selected by a French jugleor, 
to stimulate the army, (great part of which was, in fact, strictly 
French,) would be French, both in subject and language. Wace 
perfectly well knew the race of jogleors and their themes, which 
he quotes ; as in the case of William Longue-espee, of whose deeds 
he says, ' a jogleors 01 en m'effance chanter.' 3 It has been 

remarked, as somewhat singular, that Wace should omit a cir- 
cumstance calculated to add to the poetic effect of his story ; 
namely, Taillefer's slight of hand exhibition, related by other his- 
torians as having been played off by him in front of the two armies. 
Perhaps Wace's abstinence, in this and other cases which might 



OF THE CONQUEST. 191 

the assault, and the English defended themselves 
well. Some were striking, others urging onwards ; 
all were bold, and cast aside fear. 

And now, behold ! that battle was ga- 
thered WHEREOF THE FAME IS YET MIGHTY. 

Loud and far resounded the bray of the horns ; 
and the shocks of the lances ; the mighty strokes 
of clubs, and the quick clashing of swords. One 
while the Englishmen rushed on, another while 
they fell back ; one while the men from over sea 
charged onwards, and again at other times retreat- 
ed. The Normans shouted hex aie, the English 
people ut 5 . Then came the cunning manoeuvres, 
the rude shocks and strokes of the lance and blows 
of the sword, among the Serjeants and soldiers, both 
English and Norman. When the English fall, the 



be noticed, (after his history reaches the boundary of more authen- 
tic evidence than his earlier chronicle had had to deal with), is in 
favour of his credibility, under circumstances where he had the 
means of obtaining accurate information. 4 What Benoit de 
Saintc-More says on the subject of Taillefer's exploit will be found 
in our appendix. Gaimar's account, which will be found there 
also, is blended m the English paraphrase given in the Archao- 
logia, vol. xii. which is a compound of the two chroniclers. 
5 Out. In the MS. of the British Museum, a letter has evidently 
been erased before ' ut,' the present reading. An addition to the 
text, which is found in the MS. 6987 of the Bib. Royale at Paris, 
seems to determine what word is meant : 

Cou est l'ensegne que jou di 

Quant Engles saient hors a cri. 



CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 193 

Normans shout. Each side taunts and defies the 
other, yet neither knoweth what the other saith ; 
and the Normans say the English bark, because they 
understand not their speech. 

Some wax strong, others weak; the brave exult, 
but the cowards tremble, as men who are sore dis- 
mayed. The Normans press on the assault, and the 
English defend their post well; they pierce the hau- 
berks, and cleave the shields ; receive and return 
mighty blows. Again some press forwards ; others 
yield, and thus in various ways the struggle proceeds. 

In the plain was a fosse 6 , which the Normans had 
now behind them, having passed it in the fight with- 
out regarding it. But the English charged and drove 
the Normans before them, till they made them fall 
back upon this fosse, overthrowing into it horses 
and men. Many were to be seen falling therein, 
rolling one over the other, with their faces to the 



5 Though the details vaiy much, all the historians attribute great 
loss to circumstances of this sort. William of Poitiers distin- 
guishes, — and perhaps Wace also meant to do so, — between the 
fosse which guarded the English camp, and other fosses into which 
the Normans fell in the pursuit. The Chronicle of Battle Abbey 
(MS. Cott. Dom. ii.), speaking of the principal fosse, says 'quod 
quidem baratrum, sorjito ex accidenti vocajDUlo, Maljossed hodie- 
que nuncupatur.' Benoit attributes great loss to a report of Wil- 
liam's fall, whereupon he, 

Son chef desarme en la bataille 

E del heaume e de la ventaille. 
Count Eustace is here introduced by Benoit as strongly exhorting 
the duke to escape from the field, considering the battle ns lost 

o 



194 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 

earth, and unable to rise. Many of the English also, 
whom the Normans drew down along with them, 
died there. At no time during the day's battle did 
so many Normans die, as perished in that fosse. 
So those said who saw the dead. 

The varlets who were set to guard the harness be- 
gan to abandon it, as they saw the loss of the French- 
men, when thrown back upon the fosse without 
power to recover themselves. Being greatly alarm- 
ed at seeing the difficulty in restoring order, they 
began to quit the harness, and sought around, not 
knowing where to find shelter. Then Odo, the good 
priest, the bishop of Bayeux, galloped up, and said 
to them, " Stand fast! stand fast! be quiet and 
move not ! fear nothing, for if God please, we shall 
conquer yet." So they took courage, and rested 
where they were ; and Odo returned galloping back 
to where the battle was most fierce, and was of great 
service on that day. He had put a hauberk on, over 
a white aube ; wide in the body, with the sleeve 
tight; and sat on a white horse, so that all might 
recognise him. In his hand he held a mace, and 
wherever he saw most need, he led up and stationed 
the knights, and often urged them on to assault 
and strike the enemy. 



beyond recovery. He however rallies his men, and triumphs over 
the English, whose ranks had broken in the pursuit. No stra- 
tagem in this respect is noticed by Benoit . 



CHAPTER XXI. 

HOW THE ARCHERS SMOTE HAROLD'S EYE; AND WHAT 
STRATAGEM THE NORMANS USED. 

From nine o'clock in the morning, when the com- 
bat began, till three o'clock came, the battle was up 
and down, this way and that, and no one knew who 
would conquer and win the land 1 . Both sides stood 
so firm and fought so well, that no one could guess 
which would prevail. The Norman archers with 
their bows shot thickly upon the English ; but they 
covered themselves with their shields, so that the 
arrows could not reach their bodies, nor do any mis- 
chief, how true soever was their aim, or however 
well they shot. Then the Normans determined to 
shoot their arrows upwards into the air, so that they 
might fall on their enemies' heads, and strike their 
faces. The archers adopted this scheme, and shot 



1 The author of the continuation of Wace's Brutd'Angleterrc, 
lys, as to the duration of the battle, 

La bataille ad bien dure 
Dc prime dekes a la vespw 



198 THE CHROMICLE 

up into the air towards the English ; and the ar- 
rows in falling struck their heads and faces, and put 
out the eyes of many ; and all feared to open their 
eyes, or leave their faces unguarded. 

The arrows now flew thicker than rain before the 
wind ; fast sped the shafts that the English call 
' wibetes V Then it was that an arrow, that had 
been thus shot upwards, struck Harold above his 
right eye, and put it out. In his agony he drew the 
arrow and threw it away, breaking it with his hands : 
and the pain to his head was so great, that he lean- 
ed upon his shield. So the English were wont to 
say, and still say to the French, that the arrow was 
well shot which was so sent up against their king; 
and that the archer won them great glory, who thus 
put out Harold's eye. 

The Normans saw that the English defended 
themselves well, and were so strong in their posi- 
tion that they could do little against them. So they 
consulted together privily, and arranged to draw off, 
and pretend to flee, till the English should pursue 
and scatter themselves over the field ; for they saw 
that if they could once get their enemies to break 
their ranks, they might be attacked and discomfited 
much more easily. As they had said, so they did. 



Unkes home ne saveit 
Ki serreit trencu, ne ki venerea. 
This word seems used in a metaphorical sense. In the Fables 



OF THE CONQUEST. 199 

The Normans by little and little fled, the English 
following them. As the one fell back, the other 
pressed after ; and when the Frenchmen retreated, 
the English thought and cried out, that the men of 
France fled, and would never return. 

Thus they were deceived by the pretended flight, 
and great mischief thereby befell them ; for if they 
had not moved from their position, it is not likely 
that they would have been conquered at all ; but 
like fools they broke their lines and pursued. 

The Normans were to be seen following up their 
stratagem, retreating slowly so as to draw the En- 
glish further on. As they still flee, the English pur- 
sue ; they push out their lances and stretch forth 
their hatchets: following the Normans, as they go 
rejoicing in the success of their scheme, and scat- 
tering themselves over the plain. And the English 
meantime jeered and insulted their foes with words. 
" Cowards/* they cried, " you came hither in an 
evil hour, wanting our lands, and seeking to seize 
our property, fools that ye were to come! Normandy 
is too far off, and you will not easily reach it. It is 
of little use to run back ; unless you can cross the 
sea at a leap, or can drink it dry, your sons and 
daughters are lost to you." 



of Mark dc France, vol. ii. 243, we find 

Ne grosse mouske, tie wibet, 
Ne longe wespe, nc cornet. 



200 THE CHRONICLE 

The Normans bore it all, but in fact they knew 
not what the English said ; their language seemed 
like the baying of dogs, which they could not un- 
derstand. At length they stopped and turned round, 
determined to recover their ranks ; and the barons 
might be heard crying dex aie ! for a halt. Then 
the Normans resumed their former position, turn- 
ing their faces towards the enemy ; and their men 
were to be seen facing round and rushing onwards 
to a fresh melee; the one party assaulting the other; 
this man striking, another pressing onwards. One 
hits, another misses; one flies, another pursues: one 
is aiming a stroke, while another discharges his 
blow. Norman strives with Englishman again, and 
aims his blows afresh. One flies, another pursues 
swiftly : the combatants are many, the plain wide, 
the battle and the melee fierce. On every hand they 
fight hard, the blows are heavy, and the struggle 
becomes fierce. 

The Normans were playing their part well, when 
an English knight came rushing up, having in his 
company a hundred men, furnished with various 
arms. He wielded a northern hatchet 3 , with the 
blade a full foot long ; and was well armed after his 
manner, being tall, bold, and of noble carriage. In 
the front of the battle where the Normans thronoed 
most, he came bounding on swifter than the stag, 

:( ' Hache noresche.' Sei note before al page 17">. 



OF THE CONQUEST. 201 

many Normans falling before him and his company. 
He rushed straight upon a Norman who was armed 
and riding on a warhorse, and tried with his hat- 
chet of steel to cleave his helmet ; but the blow mis- 
carried, and the sharp blade glanced down before 
the saddle bow, driving through the horse's neck 
down to the ground, so that both horse and master 
fell together to the earth. I know not whether the 
Englishman struck another blow; but the Normans 
who saw the stroke were astonished, and about to 
abandon the assault, when Rogier de Montgomeri 
came galloping up, with his lance set, and heeding 
not the long handled axe 4 , which the Englishman 
wielded aloft, struck him down, and left him stretch- 
ed upon the ground. Then Rogier cried out,"French- 
raen strike ! the day is ours !" And again a fierce 
melee was to be seen, with many a blow of lance and 
sword; the English still defending themselves, kill- 
ing the horses and cleaving the shields. 

There was a French soldier of noble mien, who 
sat his horse gallantly. He spied two Englishmen 
who were also carrying themselves boldly. They 
were both men of great worth, and had become com- 
panions in arms and fought together, the one pro- 
tecting the other. They bore two long and broad 
bills 5 , and did great mischief to the Normans, kill- 
ing both horses and men. The French soldier look- 

4 ' Coignie.' ' ' Gisarmes.' " ' Gibet.' 



202 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 

ed at them and their bills, and was sore alarmed, for 
he was afraid of losing his good horse, the best that 
he had ; and would willingly have turned to some 
other quarter, if it would not have looked like cow- 
ardice. He soon, however, recovered his courage, 
and spurring his horse gave him the bridle, and gal- 
loped swiftly forward. Fearing the two bills, he 
raised his shield by the l enarmes,' and struck one 
of the Englishmen with his lance on the breast, so 
that the iron passed out at his back. At the mo- 
ment that he fell, the lance broke, and the French- 
man seized the mace 6 that hung at his right side, 
and struck the other Englishman a blow that com- 
pletely fractured his skull. 




CHAPTER XXII. 

THE ROLL OF THE NORMAN CHIEFS; AND TIIF.IR DEEDS. 

LES NONS DE GRAUNTZ DELA LA MER 
QUE VINDRENT OD LE CONQUEROUR 
WILLIAM BASTARD DE GRAUNT VIGOURE 1 . 

Old Rogier de Belmont 2 attacked the English in 
the front rank ; and was of high service, as is plain 
by the wealth his heirs enjoy : any one may know 
that they had good ancestors, standing well with 



1 From Brampton. A few names have already occurred, such 
as Fitz Osbern, Ralf de Conches, Walter Giffart, Roger 
de Mongomeri, the counts d'Ou and of Mortain, Roger de 
Beaumont,Turstin Fitz Rou, the sire de Dinan, Fitz Ber- 
tkan de Peleit, and Aimeri of Tiiouars. The only chiefs 
mentioned by the Latin historians, and apparently omitted by Wace, 
are Eustace, count of Boulogne, and William, son of Richard 
count of Evreux. The case is doubtful as to Jeffrey, son of 



206 THE CHRONICLE 

their lords who save them such honors. From this 
Rogier descended the lineage of Mellant. Guillame, 
whom they call Mallet 3 , also threw himself boldly 
into the fray, and with his glittering sword created 
great alarm among the English. But they pierced 
his shield and killed his horse under him, and he 
would have been slain himself, had not the Sire de 



Rotro count of Mortagne — comes Moritoniae ; not to be con- 
founded with Robert, count of Mortain — comes Moritolii. Jef- 
frey is perhaps mentioned by Wace; see our note below on Jef- 
frey de Mayenne. 2 Roger de Beaumokt; see as 
to him the former note, p. 102. William of Poitiers states 
that he did not join the expedition, but remained in Normandy. 
According to that historian and Ordericus Vitalis, the one present 
at the battle was Roger's son — the ' tyro' Robert — who, by inhe- 
ritance, took the title of count of Mellent. The British Museum 
MS. of Wace in fact reads Robert; though the epithet 'le viel' 
is not appropriate to his then age. By their alliance with the Fitz 
Osberns, the earls of Leicester and Mellent acquired a portion of 
the Norman lands of that family. In the Red book roll we have, 
1 comes Mell. 15 mil. et ad servitium suum 63 mil. et dim.' 
< comes Leycestr. 10 mil. de honore de Grentemesnil, et ad ser- 
vitium suum 40 mil. Idem 80 mil. et 4 m . part, quos habet ad 
servitium suum de >onore de Britolio : et faciet tantum quod ho- 
nor sit duci et com. in Fales/ 3 William Malet 
died before Domesday, which says,' W. Malet fecit suum castellum 
ad Eiam,' in Suffolk. His son Robert then held the honor of Eye, 
' olim nobile castellum,' (where he founded a monastery), and other 
estates. Introd. Dom. i. 449. 4 MoNTFORTSuRRiLLE,arron- 
dissement of Pont-Audemer. Four lords of this place successively 
bore the name of Hugh. It is presumed the conqueror's attendant 
was Hugh II. — son of Hugh ' with the beard,' (the son of Turstan 
de Bastenberg) mentioned before at page 8. He was one of the 



OF THE CONQUEST. 207 

Montfort 4 , and Dam Willianie de Vez-pont 5 , come 
up with their strong force and bravely rescued him, 
though with the loss of many of their people, and 
mounted him on a fresh horse. 

The men of the Beessin 6 also fought well, and 
the barons of the Costentin ; and Neel de St. Sal- 
veor 7 exerted himself much to earn the love and 



barons to whom William, when he visited Normandy in 1067, left 
the administration of justice in England. The scite of the castle 
is still visible near the bourg of Montfort. Mem. Ant. Norm. iv. 
434. Dugdale's Baronage, and the Introd. to Domesday, i. 454, 
treat Hugh 'with the beard' himself as having been William's 
attendant. See the pedigree prefixed to Wiffen's History of the 
Rnssells, and that in Duchesne. In the Bayeux Inquest of 1133 
[Mem. Ant. Norm, viii.) ' Hugo de Monteforte tenet feodum 
viii mil.' The same appears in the Red book roll; where we also 
find ' de honore de Monteforte 2 1 mil. et dim. et duas partes et 4 ni . 
part.' with other particulars. 5 Dam, or Dan — Dominus 

— is often used by Wace. Robert, not William, lord of Yieux- 
pont, appears to have been at Hastings. In 1073 he was sent to 
the rescue of Jean de la Fleche. He came probably from Yieux- 
pont-en-Auge, arrondissement of Lisieux. The name, afterwards 
written Yipount, is known in English history. A.L.P. In the 
Red book roll, ' Fulco de Veteri Ponte 2 *nil. et ad servitium 
suum 10 mil. et quartam partem.' ' Willmus de Yeteri Ponte 2 
mil. et ad sen it. suum xi mil. et 4 part. 6 The Brit. Mus. 

MS. reads ' cil de Beessin,' not eels. If this be correct, Wace 
may here mean the viscount of the Bessin, Ranoulf de Bri- 
CASAiiT,whom we have met atValdesdunes. 7 Wace's 

annotator, M. Le Prevost, is incredulous as to the fact of Neel de 
Saint Sauveur-le-vicomte (near Yalognes) having been at the con- 
quest. He was banished after his rebellion atValdesdunes, and 
was subsequently pardoned, as his family afterwards held his es- 



208 THE CHRONICLE 

good will of his lord, and assaulted the English with 
great vigour. He overthrew many that day with the 
poitrail of his horse, and came with his sword to 
the rescue of many a baron. The lord of Felgieres 8 
also won great renown, with many very brave men 
that he brought with him from Brittany. 

Henri the Sire de Ferrieres 9 , and he who then 
held Tillieres 10 , both these barons brought large 



tates ; but no particulars or time are known. His presence at Hast- 
ings is vouched by no one else; not even by Brompton's list, where 
Sanzaver seems a variation of Saunzaveir or Sans-avoir, a family 
which settled in England. See M. de Gerville's Recherches, in 
Mem. Ant. Norm. Domesday is silent; but this does not ap- 
pear conclusive, as he might have died in the interval; and M. 
deGerville quotes on the subjectM. OdolentDesnos, Hist.cTAlcn- 
con, i. 149; where it is stated, though without quoting the autho- 
rity, that Neel was killed in 1074, in battle near Cardiff. The 
last Neel de St. Sauveur died in 1092 ; as appears by an account 
of his relation, bishop Jeffery de Moubray's desire to attend his 
funeral : Mem. Ant. Norm. i. 286, ii. 46. One of his two daugh- 
ters and heiresses married Jourdain Tesson ; the other was mother 
to Fulk de Pratis; Hardy's Rot. Norm. 16. 8 Raoul, 

son of Main, second of the name, lord of Fougeres in Brittany. 
He, or a second Raoul, founded Savigny in 1112. A Ralf held 
large possessions in England at Domesday; and a William held 
in Buckinghamshire; Introd. Domesday, i. 418. 9 IIinky 

lord of St. Hilaire de Ferrieres, arrondissement of Bernay,son 
of Walkelin de Ferrieres, ante page 8. The scite of the castle is 
still visible. In England, Henry de Ferrieres received the castle 
ofTutbury, and other large estates; see the Introd. Domesday, i. 
418, and the Ferrers pedigree in Dugdale's Baronage. In the Red 
book Roll, ' Walkelinus de Ferrariis 5 mil. et ad servitium suum 
42 mil. et 3 quartas — et 4 mil. cum planis armis.' ,0 GlL- 



OF THE CONQUEST. 20 ( J 

companies, and charged the English together. Dead 
or captive were all who did not flee before them, and 
the field quaked and trembled. 

On the other side was an Englishman who much 
annoyed the French, continually assaulting them 
with a keen edged hatchet. He had a helmet made 
of wood, which he had fastened down to his coat, 
and laced round his neck, so that no blows could 



bert Crespin was then lord of Tillieres, arrondissement of 
Evreux. The building of the castle is described by Wace,i. 335. 
He is considered to have been a younger son of Gilbert I. men- 
tioned before by Wace,vol. ii. 3. 5; and must not be confounded 
with Gilbert earl of Brionne, guardian to the duke. In the Red 
book, 'Gilbertus deTeuleriis 3 mil. et ad servitium suum 4 mil.' 
With reference to this family, (embracing Turstin Fitz-Rou above 
mentioned, and William Crespin, who will soon occur) Mr. Gri- 
maldi has given in the Gentleman a Mag. Jan. 1832, some cu- 
rious materials ; bearing also on the probable origin of the Mares- 
chals. His pedigree is as follows : 

Grimaldus, prince of Monaco=j=CRisPiNA, daughter of Rollo. 

I 1 1 

Guido, of Giballinus. Heloise, of Guynes=j=CRispiNus, ba- 

Monaco. and Boulogne. ron of Bee. 

( (Ansgothus.) 

, x r , 1 , 

Herluin, ab- Gilbert Crespin I. Odo. Roger. Rollo, or 

bot of Bee. baron of Bee. Rou. 

I I 



1 1 ' 1 i ■ 

William Gilbert Milo Cres- Goisfrid de Bf.c Turstin Fitz- 

Crespin Crespin II. pin (Domes- or Marescal Rou (Domes- 

(Hastings). (Hastings), day). (Domesday). day.) 

This pedigree differs, it will be seen, from the usually received ac- 
counts, and in some respects from the genealogy in the appendix 
to Lanfranci opera by D'Achery. Whether the latter is entitled 

P 



210 THE CHRONICLE 

reach his head u . The ravage he was making was 
seen by a gallant Norman knight, who rode a horse 
that neither fire nor water could stop in its career, 
when its lord urged it on. The knight spurred, and 
his horse carried him on well till he charged the 
Englishman, striking him over the helmet, so that 
it fell down over his eyes ; and as he stretched out 
his hand to raise it and uncover his face, the Nor- 
man cut off his right hand, so that his hatchet fell 
to the ground. Another Norman sprung forward 
and eagerly seized the prize with both his hands, 
but he kept it little space, and paid dearly for it ; 



to more weight than most of these monastic genealogies we do 
not pretend to decide. According to that authority, however, Wil- 
liam Crespin had a sister Hesilia, who was mother of William 
Malet, who, it states, died an old man at Bee. She would thus 
appear to be the wife of Turstin Fitz-Rou, the grandfather of Vau- 
quelin Malet. ll See note, page 177, as to the English 

helmets. 13 ' Coignie.' 13 Anisy and Mathieu, 

two leagues from Caen. 14 Aumale or Albamale. 

See, in the Archaologia vol. 26, the materials furnished by Mr. 
Stapleton for the pedigree of the family holding Aumale during 
the eleventh century. Unless Odo, count of Champagne, was 
married before this time, — as he probably was, — to Adelidis, niece 
of the conqueror (and daughter of Enguerrand, count of Ponthieu, 
and Adelidis his wife, mentioned before, page 44), and was then 
possessed in her right of Aumale, we know no lord or holder of 
that fief at the conquest. Is it probable that Guy her uncle, who 
was released two years after the battle of Mortemer on doing ho- 
mage to William, held Aumale during her minority, which pos- 
sibly extended to 1066 ? Either assumption implies that Enguer- 
ran's widow was then dead, or that she did not hold Aumale, or 



OF THE CONQUEST. 211 

for as he stooped to pick up the hatchet, an Eng- 
lishman with his long; handled axe 12 struck him over 
the back, breaking all his bones, so that his entrails 
and lungs gushed forth. The knight of the good 
horse meantime returned without injury; but on his 
way he met another Englishman, and bore him down 
under his horse, wounding him grievously, and tram- 
pling him altogether underfoot. 

The good citizens of Rouen, and the young men 
of Caen, Faleise and Argentoen, of Anisie and Ma- 
toen 13 , and he who was then sire d'Aubemare 14 , 
and dam Willame de Romare 15 , and the sires de 



at least that she did not after her daughter's marriage. The char- 
ter printed in the Archaologia treats the widow as having suc- 
ceeded to the possession, (whether from having dower in it, or as 
guardian of her daughter, does not appear), and her daughter as 
following her. Of course the most likely solution of this diffi- 
culty, and of Wace's vague statement, is that he was ignorant of 
the facts; in which he is not singular; Ordericus Vitalis also is in- 
correct in his statements as to the family. No particulars of the 
fief of Aumale are in the Red book ; the comes de Albamara 
being one of those, who ' nee venerunt nee miserunt, nee ali- 
quid dixerunt.' 15 Roumare — Rollonis Mara — arron- 

dissement of Rouen. There were three Williams de Romare: — 
the first was earl of Lincoln; the second was probably the one in 
possession when Wace wrote : but the name of their ancestor, the 
lord who must have held at the conquest, was Roger. In the 
Red book roll, ' Willmus de Romara 14 mil. in Romeis, apud 
novum mercatum : et si dux mandaverit eum alibi, ibit cum 3 
mil. vel cum 4.' ,6 Lithaire, commune of Haie-du- 

Puits, in the Cotentin, on the coast opposite Jersey; probably a 
Roman castellum exploratorium, according to M. de Gerville, 



212 THE CHRONICLE 

Litehare lG , Touke 17 , and La Mare 18 , and the sire 
de Neauhou 19 , and a knight of Pirou 20 , Robert the 



Recherches, No. 39. He states that Lithaire formed part of the 
estates of the Albinis; but it appears that after having belonged 
to Eudo cum capello, (before, p. 103) it passed to the Haies and 
Orvals in succession, or possibly to the latter at once ; see sub- 
sequent notes on those names. Possibly M. de Gerville's error 
arose from the family connection between the Haies and Albinis; 
Ralf de Haya having married the daughter of William de Albini, 
pincerna. ,7 Touques, arrondissement of Pont l'Eves- 

que, at the mouth of the river so called. In the Monasticon are 
found the names of Jourdain, Roger, Robert, and Henry de Tou- 
ques. 18 Probably Hugh de la mare. The family re- 
mained both in Normandy and England ; and is supposed to have 
sprung from the fief of la Mare, in the commune of Autretot, near 
Ivetot. A charter of St. Louis, of 1259, gives to Jumieges all 
that had fallen to that prince of the tenement of William de la 
Mare, knight, and of other tenements in the valley of la Mare ; but 
the historian of the abbey is ignorant where that valley was. 
A.L.P. Mr. Stapleton observes, in correction of this statement, 
that the great fief of La Mare was at St. Opportune, arrondisse- 
ment of Pont Audemer; the castle being built upon piles near the 
lake, still called Grand-mare. ,9 Nehou, in the arron- 
dissement of Valognes — Neel's hou or holm, (place surrounded 
by water, or liable to be so, as in this case) — ' Nigelli humus' in 
charters ; see Gallia Christ, xi. This fief belonged to the Neel 
or St. Sauveur family, and afterwards passed to that of Reviers, 
and Reviers-Vernon ; with whom it remained till the end of the 
thirteenth century; see M. de Gerville's Recherches, No. 17. Ei- 
ther the same person is again enumerated below by Wace as Re- 
viers ; or some vassal or junior member of the family held one of 
the fiefs at the conquest. In the Red book roll, ' Richardus de Yer- 
none 10 mil. de honore de Nehalhou, et ad servitium suum 30 mil. 
in Constant : idem de com. Mort. 5 mil : idem 16 mil. de honore 



OF THE CONQUEST. 213 

sire de Belfou- 1 , and he who was then sire de Al- 
nou 22 , the chamberlain of Tancharvile 23 , and the 



Vernone, ad custodiam castri de Vernone.' 20 Pirou, 

near Lessay, in the Cotentin; see M. de Gerville's Recherches, 
No. 48. William de Pirou signs as ' dapifer' in a charter of Hen. 
I. A charter to Lessay in Gall. Christ, (temp. Hen. II. not 
lien, I. as there called) names several lords of Pirou. See Introd. 
Domesday, ii. 347. 21 Beaufoy, Beaufou, or Belfai — 

Bellus fagus. The scite of the caput of this barony is in the en- 
virons of Pont l'Evesque. The lords of Beaufou descended in 
the female line from Ralf, count d'lvry, uterine brother of duke 
Richard I. The Beaufou of the conquest is called Robert both 
in Wace and William of Poitiers, but Raoul in contemporary 
documents; so also in Domesday we find Radulf de Bellofago; 
see Introd. Domesday, i. 379, 380. In the Red book, ' Richar- 
dus de Belphago 2 mil. et ad servitium suum 6 mil. et tres partes.' 
22 Fulk d'Aunou, one of the numerous family of Baudry-le- 
Teuton, by a daughter of Richard de Bienfaite, mentioned below. 
The place in question is probably Aunou-le-Faucon (or Foulcon ?), 
arrondissement of Argentan. See Duchesne, 1046; and some ob- 
servations on the pedigree, in the additional notes on Wace at the 
end of M. Raynouard's observations. Aulnay is a distinct fief, 
and will be found afterwards. There was also in earlier times (see 
Duchesne, p. 1083) a Fulk de Aneio, or Aneto; who was of the 
Vernon family (the son of Osmund de Centumvillis, and of one 
of Gunnor's sisters), and derived his name from Anet, a little 
south of Ivry. The two Fulks or their families seem to have been 
sometimes confounded ; they are so by M . Le Prevost, in his ad- 
ditional notes. In the Red book roll, ' Fulco de Alnou 4 mil. et 
ad servitium suum 24 mil. et dim.' The fiefs Danet and de Al- 
neto appear there also separately. M The lord of Tan- 

carville, in the arrondissement of Havre, hereditary chamberlain 
of Normandy. His presence is vouched by no other authority. 
M. Le Prevost rather inconclusively observes that Ralf having been 



214 THE CHRONICLE 

sire d'Estotevile 24 , and Wiestace d'Abevile 25 , and 
the sire de Magnevile 26 , William whom they call 
Crespin 27 , and the sire de St. Martin c8 , and dam 



William's guardian was too old, and his children too young to be 
so engaged. Three sons have, however, been commonly reputed 
to have been at Hastings ; from one of whom the Clintons have 
claimed descent, but probably without sufficient evidence. Ralf's 
age is hardly of itself a competent contradiction to Wace's state- 
ment; for his charter, giving the church of Mireville to Jumieges, 
shows that he was living in 1079. William, his son and succes- 
sor as chamberlain, so appears in 1082. See as to this family 
M. Deville's St, Georges de Bocherville, p. 100. In the Red 
book, ' Camararius de Tankervill 10 mil. et ad servitium suum 
94 et 3 partes. ^ There are two Etoutevilles ; the 

one meant appears to be near Ivetot, not that near Cailli. The 
received opinion is that it was Robert, the first of the name, called 
also Grand-Bois, who was at Hastings. He must have been young, 
if he was the same as fell forty years after at Tenchebrai, accord- 
ing to Ordericus Vit. 817. The Etoutevilles were established in 
England ; principally in Yorkshire. A. L. P. In the Red book, 
1 In ballia Willi de Malepalet,' there are two of the name, * Ni- 
chus de Stotevill 1 mil. de fcedo de Logis, et pco, et 7 hospit. 
quos habet apud Fiscan;' and ' Willmus de Stotevill 1 mil. de 
fcedo de Dodearvill;' among those who made no appearance or 
return is ' Robertus de Estotevill.' K Eustace of 

Abbeville. There is a commune so named in the arrondisse- 
ment of Lisieux, but M. Le Prevost thinks it more probable that 
Abbeville in Ponthieu is intended. Is it clear that Wace did not 
mean, — however incorrect the geography, — Eustace of Boulogne ? 
It would be singular that he should not at all mention so impor- 
tant a person ; yet he does not, unless he is intended here. Eus- 
tace of Boulogne appears in Domesday; see Introduction,']. 41<i. 
26 Jeiferyde Magneville, in the arrondissement of Valognes, 
— whose name became in England Mandeville, — was constable 



OF THE CONQUEST. 215 

William des Molins 2y , and he who was sire des 
Pins 30 ; all these were in the battle, and there was 
not one of them that did not render great aid. 



of the tower of London, and earl of Essex. See M. de Gerville's 
Recherches, No. 15; and Introd. Domesday, i. 450. In the 
Red book, ' Rogerus de Magnevill 2 mil. et dim. et ad serv. 
suum 3 mil. w William Crespin I. lord of Bee 

Crespin, in the pays de Caux. See our former note, and the 
pedigree; which is at variance with the assumption in M. Le Pre- 
vost's notes, that Turstain Fitz-Rou was not connected with this 
family. Dugdale, Baronage, i. 413, seems to know only one 
William Crespin. William II. was in the battle of Tenchebrai, 
opposed to Henry I. 28 This may be Walter de 

Saint Martin, brother of W'illiam Martel. Many communes 
bear this name ; the one in question may be that in the pays de 
Caux or Brai. Roger de St. Martin occurs in the Monastkon in 
1119, and one of the family founded Robertsbridge in 1176. 
But M. Le Prevost thinks the more probable opinion is, that the 
party here meant was Jeflfry, son of Rainauld, lord of St. Martin-le- 
Gaillard, in the arrondissement of Dieppe, mentioned in the char- 
ter of foundation of Treport; see Gallia Christ, xi. ^ Wil- 
liam, lord of Moulins-la-Marche, — Molendina, — in the ar- 
rondissement of Mortagne, was son of Walter de Falaise. The 
duke, in reward of his services, gave him in marriage Alberee, 
daughter and heiress of Guitmond, lord of Moulins-la-Marche. 
After having two sons, William and Robert, he repudiated her ; 
and married the daughter of Valeran de Meulan, being thus bro- 
ther-in-law to Roger de Beaumont. He was in 1075 one of those 
sent to the relief of Jean la Fleche; see Ordericus Fit. 533, 577, 
890. The English family of this name seems to have come from 
Limousin. A.L.P. M Fulk du Pin is, in a charter to 
St. Pierre-sur-Dive, quoted as contemporary with the conqueror. 
Ordericus Vitalis mentions a Morin du Pin as living in 1080. 
This family, which had property in England, and occurs in the 



216 THE CHRONICLE 

A vassal from Grente-mesnil 31 was that day in 
great peril ; his horse ran away with him, so that 
he was near falling, for in leaping over a bush the 
bridle rein broke, and the horse plunged forward. 
The English seeing him ran to meet him with their 
hatchets raised, but the horse took fright, and turn- 



Monasticon, (see Dunstaple), appears to have been from Pin-au- 
Haras, near Argentan. A. L.P. 31 Hugh de Grente- 

mesnil, now Grandmesnil, arrondissement of Lisieux, had been 
banished in 1063. He became sheriff of Leicestershire, and had 
other honours and many lands, and was associated with bishop 
Odo and William Fitz-Osbern as justiciars. See Introd. Domes- 
day, i. 408 — 429. 32 Jeffry de Maine. Although 
there were Manceaux in the army, it is hardly to be supposed 
that ' Giffrei li sire de Meaine,' (Wace, vol. ii. 85), the active 
enemy of William, (even if the title of sire de Meaine could then 
be applied to him) is the person meant here, as accompanying 
him to England. It has been supposed that the true reading 
should be Mortagne ; and in fact William of Poitiers and Or- 
dericus Vitalis mention a Jeffery son of Rotro, count of Mortagne 
(comes Moritoniae) as present at Hastings. Duchesne's MS. reads 
Marreigne. A. L. P. But see Dugdale's Baronage, i. 510. 
33 Bohun, arrondissement of St. Lo, in the Cotentin; where are 
still St. Andre aud St. Georges deBohon. The mound of the old 
castle remains visible. The Bohuns long after the conquest were 
hereditary constables of England, and subsequently earls of Here- 
ford, Essex, and Northumberland. See the Rec/ierches of M. de 
Gerville, and Introd. Domesday, i. 383. Ilbert de Chaz, whose 
tombstone is at Laycock, was a vassal of Bohun, and came from 
Chaz, now Cats, in the neighbourhood of Bohun ; (ient.'s Mag. 
Oct. 1835. In the Red book, 4 Engelger. de Boun 2 mil. et G m . 
part 1 ", et ad servitium suum 7 mil. in Constant.' and 'Hum- 
phridus de Boun 2 mil. et ad serv. suum 2 mil. in Constant.' 



OF THE CONQUEST. 217 

ing quickly round brought him safe back again. 

Old Gifrei de Meaine 32 , and old Onfrei de Bo- 
hun 33 , Onfrei de Cartrai 34 , and Maugier a newly 
made knight, were there also. William de Garenes 33 
came too, his helmet setting gracefully on his head ; 
and old Hue de Gornai 36 , and together with him 



34 Carteret, arrondissement of Valognes. The family has re- 
mained in Jersey and England ; Rccherches, No. 14. In the Red 
book, ' in balliva Osberti de Hosa' — ' Philippus de Cartr/ 

35 William Warren, named from the fief of Varenne, in St. 
Aubin-le-Cauf, arrondissement of Dieppe. His English history 
as earl of Surrey is well known; Introd. Dom. i. 506. M. Le 
Prevost expresses his opinion that William was not son of Wal- 
ter de St. Martin, as Duchesne stiles him, but of Ralf de Warren, 
— a benefactor of the abbey of la Trinite du mont about the mid- 
dle of the eleventh century, — by a niece of the duchess Gunnor; 
Roger de Mortemer, the first of the name, being another son. In 
a charter to St. Wandril by the conqueror, there is subscribed as 
witness, ' S. Rogerii filii Rodulfi de Warena.' A Gilbert de Wa- 
rena witnesses a charter to Jumieges in 1088. A.L.P. We have 
good authority for observing that the hamlet of Varenne in St. 
Aubin never belonged to the Warrens, but to a family named Ne- 
ville or Neuville, the adjoining hamlet. The river was anciently 
called Varimna, and there was a town of the same name, which 
appears to have been changed to that of Bellencombre — Bellus 
cumulus — from the lofty mound on which stood the castle of the 
Warrens, their caput baronial. Warren is in the Red book one 
of the defaulters. 36 Hugh, lord of Gournay, who oc- 
cupied the frontier district of Brai; an important post for the de- 
fence of Normandy. See before, p. 49. We find ' Hugo senex,' 
in a charter of Hen. I., who retired to and died at Bee; but this 
was probably a son of the one at Mortemer and Hastings. We 
may well expect to find him characterised as ' old Hue,' when we 



218 THE CHRONICLE 

his men of Brai. With the numerous forces they 
brought, they killed great numbers. 

And Engerran de V Aigle 37 came also, with shield 
slung at his neck ; and gallantly handling his spear, 
struck down many English. He strove hard to serve 



see Jehan de Flagy — or whoever wrote the old romance of Garin 
le Loherain, just published by M. Paris — boldly introducing 
'Hues qui Gournay tient,' with 'Anjorrans li sires de Couci,' and 
'deToartois le vis-quens Haimeris,' as meeting 'la pucelle Blan- 
cheflors au cler vis,' at the court of Pepin, ' a la cit de Paris.' 
We find Hugh de Gournay, — probably the son, — a landholder 
in Essex, Introd. Domesday , i. 431 ; in the Red book roll is 
1 Hugo de Gurnayo 12 mil. et omnium reliquorum ad Marchiam.' 
See the history of this family, and of the junior branches which 
remained in England, in Burke's English Commoners, i. 484. 
37 Engerand de l'Aigle, appears to have been the son of Ful- 
bert, the founder of the castle de l'Aigle, on the Rille, arrondisse- 
ment of Mortagne. He was killed in the pursuit after the battle 
of Hastings; but his children had Pevensey and large estates. In 
the Red book, ' Richardus de Aquila 5 mil. et dim. de fcedo de 
Crepon in Cadomo ;' and among the defaulters stands, ' Richerus 
de Aquila nisi pro fcedo de Crepun.' 38 Aimeri viscount 

of Tiiouars has appeared before. ra It is generally un- 

derstood thatnot Richard d'Avranches, in theCotentin, (though 
living at the time), but his son Hugh Lupus accompanied the 
conqueror; receiving in 1070 the earldom of Chester, to hold 'tarn 
liberb ad gladium sicut ipse rex tenebat Angliam per coronam.' 
See Ordericus Vitalis, 787, and Introd. Domesday, i. 437. In 
the Red book, ' comes Cestriae 10 mil. de Sancto Severo et de 
Bregesard ; et ad serv. suum 51 mil. et dim. et 4 m . et 8 n '. Idem 
de fcedo Morton.' In the inquest of Bayeux knights ' comes Ces- 
triae tenet 5 mil. de episcopofcedum,' of which the particulars are 
given. Of Hugh Lupus Gaimar draws a striking portrait: as 
well as of others of these fortunate leaders. In speaking of an 



OF THE CONQUEST. 219 

the duke well, for the sake of the lands he had pro- 
mised him. And the viscount of Toarz 38 was no 
coward that day. And Richard d'Avrencin 39 was 
there, and with him were the sire de Biarz 40 , and 
the sire de Solignie 41 , and the butler d'Aubignie 42 , 

enormous guard of honour that William kept about him when 
going from England to Normandy, he says ; 

II les tenoit ne sai pur quoi 

Car nule guerre il n'avoit, 

Ne de nul hom ne se cremoit : 

Mes par sa grant nobilite 

Avoit cele gent od soi mene. 

Qe dirroie de ses barons ? 

Quieus horns estoit li quens Huons ! 

L'empereur de Lumbardie 

Ne menoit pas tiele compaignie 

Come il fesoit de gent privee. 

Ja sa [tiel] meson ne fut vee 

A gentil home ne a franc. 

Ewe en viver u en estanc 

Ert plus legier a espucher 

Que n'iert son beivre ne son manger. 

Touz tens avoit richesce assez ; 

Ja tant n'eust le jor donez 

Qe lendemain li sovenist, 

E q'autretant ne departist. 

Conte de Cestre estoit clame; 

Od grant gent est au roi ale. 
40 Les Biards, canton d'Isigny, arrondissement of Mortain. Wil- 
liam Avenel is probably meant, who in 1082 was a benefactor to 
the abbey of St. Pierre-de-la-Couture at Mans; Gallia Chris- 
tiana, ix. Instr. 107. See the Avenels again below, and our note 
there. 41 SuBLiGNY,near Avranches. There was a bishop 

of Avranches of this house in the twelfth century. Sublignys ap- 



220 THE CHRONICLE 

and the lords de Vitrie 43 , de Lacie 44 , de Val de 
Saire 45 , and deTracie 46 ; and these forming one 



pear in Cornwall, Devon, and Somerset. See M. de Gerville's 
Recherches, No. 83. In the Red book, ' Joannes de Soligneio 1 
mil. et ad servitium suum 3 mil ;' and ' in ballia de Tenerche- 
braio — Joannes de Solegneio 1 mil. de honore de Gilleb'vill. et 
sibi 4 mil/ 42 D'Aubigny, near Periers, in the Cotentin ; 

where there are now two parishes, St. Martin and Christopher 
d'Aubigny. As to the chateau, and that of Lithaire, see M. de 
Gerville's Recherches, No. 49 — 36. Lithaire however appears 
not to have belonged to this family ; see our note. Dugdale, 
Blomfield, and most of our genealogists are extremely inaccurate 
as to the early history of this family. Almost all state William 
d'Aubigny, or de Albineio,pincerna of Hen. I., who did not die 
till 1139, to have come with the conqueror in 1066 ; to have been 
his butler, and to have received his estates from him. From con- 
temporary documents, particularly the charters of Lessay in the 
Monasticon and Gall. Christiana, the known pedigree com- 
mences with a William d'Aubigny, or de Albini, who married the 
sister of the traitor Grimoult del Plesseiz ; see the Bayeux In- 
quest, and our note p. 30. They had a son Roger, who married 
Amy Moubray, sister of Jeffery the bishop, and of Roger de Mou- 
bray. These had several children, — born probably about or soon 
after the conquest, — namely William, pincerna of Hen. I., who 
married Maud Bigot, and was father of the first earl of Arundel; 
Richard, abbot of St. Albans (see Mat. Paris); Nigel, whose son 
took the name and estates of Moubray; Humphry; and Rualoc 
or Ralf. The subsequent pedigree of the Albini earls is correctly 
given by Mr. Tierney in his Hist. 'of Arundel. Wace anachro- 
nizes in calling his d'Aubignie — boteillers. If one of the family 
was at Hastings, it must have been the eldest William or his son 
Roger. At Domesday, however, Nigel, younger son of Roger, was 
of age and a landholder; having perhaps succeeded to the Eng- 
lish estates of his father or grandfather; probably both then dead, 
as the) arc not mentioned. William pincerna, his brother, (the 



OF THE CONQUEST. 221 

troop, fell on the English off hand, fearing neither 
fence nor fosse ; many a man did they overthrow 



founder of Wymondham), probably inherited the Norman estates, 
which were considerable ; he appears to have had none in Eng- 
land, till for his services to Hen. I. he was enfeoffed, about 1106, 
of the barony of Buckenham, (see Hearne's Liber Niger), to hold 
in grand serjeantry by the butlery ; an office now discharged by 
the dukes of Norfolk his descendants, holders of part of the ba- 
rony. If William the grandfather survived Roger, the confusion 
between the two Williams may have occasioned the errors of ge- 
nealogists. In the Red book the earl of Arundel is a defaulter ; 
and we find only his Bayeux fee, acquired by the marriage of his 
ancestor with Grimoult's sister; and 'Willusde Albigneio in Bar- 
bavill,' without further particulars. 43 Robert, lord of 

Vitre or Vitry, in Brittany, was, according to the Breton histo- 
rians, in William's expedition, and is probably here meant. There 
is, however, a Vitray-sous-1'Aigle, arrondissement of Mortagne ; 
and as the name occurs again below, it is probable that one at 
least does not refer to a Norman lord. In the Red book roll we 
find, ' Robertus de Vitreio medietatem de Ria in Baiocasino, et 
Trungeium et Caignoles et Duxeium in Boscagio.' 44 Lassy, 

arrondissement of Vire. Walter de Lacy was the conqueror's at- 
tendant, and Ilbert de Lacy is also said to have been present. 
Roger, son of Walter also is in Domesday ; Introd. Dom. i. 431, 
432; ii. 345. Lacie occurs again below. In the Bayeux Inquest 
we find ' feodum de Lacey in Campellis (Campeaux in the Bo- 
cage) 2 mil. scil. Guilleberti et Ilenrici.' 45 Val de 
Saire is the name of a district in the Cotentin, arrondissement 
of Valognes; l la. tut dreit u Sarre en mer chiet;' Wace, i. 318. 
46 Tracy, in the arrondissement of Caen, where are still remains 
of the castle. It was probably Turgis de Tracy who was at the 
battle. Orderic. Vit. 532. In Gallia Christ, xi. Instrum. 107, 
we find in 1082 William and Gilbert de Tracy. A natural son 
of Hen. I. was afterwards called William de Tracy. Henry de 
Tracy received from Stephen the barony of Barnstaple. A.L.P. 



222 THE CHRONICLE 

that day ; many did they maim, and many a good 
horse did they kill. 

Hugh the sire de Montfort 47 , and those of Es- 
pine 48 , Port 49 , Courcie 50 , and Jort also, that day 
slew many English, He who was then sire de Re- 
viers 51 , brought with him many knights who were 



In the Red book, ' Turgillus deTraseio 2 mil. et ad servit. suura 
8 mil.' He subsequently occurs as 'Turgis de Traceio,' besides 
1 Willmus de Traceio,' and 'Oliverus de Traceio.' 47 Hugh 

de Montfort, noticed above. 48 Epinay is a common 

name in Normandy. M. Le Prevost thinks that Epinay-sur-Du- 
clair, arrondissement of Rouen, was meant here. Its lords appear 
in the charters of Jumieges. In the Bayeux inquest we have 
' Enguerandus de Espineto tenet de Episcopo feodum v militum;' 
and this would rather lead us to look nearer Bayeux. It seems 
by Hardy's Rot. Norm, that the fief of Epiney vested in Roger 
de Saint-Sauveur. 49 Port, near Bayeux. Hugh and 

Robert de Port seem to have been at the conquest. Gilbert de 
Port is found in documents soon after. Hugh had the barony of 
Basing, in Hampshire, and his son Henry founded Shireburn. 
A. L. P. See Introd. Dom. i. 469. In the Bayeux inquest, 
' feodum Henrici de Port feodum iii mil.' Enguerandus de Port 
is one of the jurors at this inquest. so Courcy and 

Jort are in the arrondissement of Falaise. Robert de Courcy 
father of Richard who was at the conquest, was one of the sons of 
Baudry-le-Teuton. A. L. P. Richard de Courcy— Curci in 
Domesday — received the barony of Stoke in Somersetshire. See 
M. Richome's notice in Mem. Ant. Norm. iii. 102. Introd. 
Dom. i. 403—412. In the Red book, < Will, de Curceio 5 mil. 
de honore in Curseio, et ad servitium suum 33 mil. Idem de 
honore de Ascoiol et ad serv. suum 17 mil. et quart.' 51 Re- 
vieres, arrondissement of Caen. M. Le Prevost, in his notes, 
states this to be Baldwin de Meules — near Orbec, arrondisse- 
ment of Lisieux — otherwise called ' de Moles,' ' de Sap,' or ' de 



OF THE CONQUEST. 223 

foremost in the assault, bearing the enemy down 
with their warhorses. Old Willame de Moion 52 
had with him many companions ; and Raol Teis- 
son de Cingueleiz 33 , and old Rogier Marmion 54 , 
carried themselves as barons ought, and afterwards 
received a rich guerdon for their service. 



Brionne,' ' of Exeter/ or ' Vicecomes ;' brother of Richard de 
Bienfaite after mentioned. He never bore the name of Reviers or 
Redvers, which, however, the annotator assumes, was taken by his 
son Richard. See Introd. Domesday, i. 377 — 473; also M. de 
Gerville in Mem. Ant. Norm. i. 273. If however, as we believe, 
it is a mistake in Dugdale and others to confound Richard de 
Reviers with Richard Fitz-Baldwin, (who died without issue) the 
'sire de Reviers' is to be sought elsewhere. 52 William, 

lord of Mo yen, aiTondissement of St. Lo, where the scite of his 
castle is still visible. He and his descendants the Mohuns are 
known in English history. See M. de Gerville's Recherches, v. 
210. Introd. Bom. i. 453; ii. 355. In the Red book, < Will- 
mus de Moyen 5 mil. et ad serv. suum xi.' s3 Three 

generations bearing the name of Raou l Tesson rapidly succeeded 
during the conqueror's reign. Raoul I. we have seen at Vales- 
dunes; Raoul II. is probably the one now before us. He mar- 
ried Matilda, cousin german of the duke. If, like his cousin 
Fitz-Erneis, he was killed at Hastings, that circumstance may ac- 
count for his family not having formed establishments in Eng- 
land. A.L.P. The forest of Cinglais was one of the most cele- 
brated in Normandy, and belonged to the honor of Tesson. There 
is also the castle of Roche-Tesson, in the arrondissement of St. 
Lo. Mem. Ant. Norm. v. 187. Gallia Christiana, xi. app. 333. 
In the Red book, ' Jordanus Taisson 10 mil. de Treverio, et ad 
servitium suum 30 mil. et dim. Idem 5 mil. de honore Scti Sal- 
vatoris, et ad servitium suum, 5 mil. in Constant.' 54 See 

note on Fontenay in the next chapter. 




CHAPTER XXIII. 

THE ROLL OF THE NORMAN LORDS CONTINUED. 

Next the company of Neel * rode Raol de Gael ; 
he was himself a Breton, and led Bretons ; he served 
for the land which he had, but he held it short time 
enough ; for he forfeited it, as they say 2 . 

1 Neel ; see former note on Neel de Saint Sauveur, whose ' com- 
pany/ as viscount of the Cotentin, seems to be here referred to. 
2 Raol de Gael, lord of Gael or Guader, and Montfort in Brit- 
tany, 'Ranols de Gader, le proz,' in Benoit. It does not appear 
that Raol commanded all the Bretons, if that be what Wace meant 
here to say. He is known in English history as Ralf earl of Nor- 
folk, whose estates were forfeited for his treason in 1075. From 
Domesday it would seem that both he and a former Ralf his father 

Q 



226 THE CHRONICLE 

Avenals des Biarz 3 was there, and Paienals des 
Mostiers-Hubert 4 ; and Robert Bertram, who was 
Tort (crooked) 5 , but was very strong when on horse- 
back, had with him a great force, and many men 
fell before him. The archers of Val de Roil 6 , and 



were earls under the Confessor; the father being repeatedly re- 
ferred to in Norfolk as ' vetus comes/ the predecessor of ' comes 
Ralf filius ejus;' and both holding lands in succession during Ed- 
ward's reign. In one place we find ' Rex Edwardus dedit Radulfo 
comiti.' Was Ralf ' vetus comes' the same person as Ralf Stalra ; 
can he have held the earldom of Norfolk when the Godwins were 
in disgrace ; and may not his son at his death have failed in suc- 
ceeding to that earldom, and have then repaired to the continent, 
and joined William in order to recover his own English pro- 
perty ? Ralf the elder no doubt married a Breton heiress ; from 
whom her estates passed to the son; an Englishman of Norfolk on 
the father's side, as described by the old historians, though also 
of Breton descent and estate. See Introd. Domesday, i. 471 ; and 
Blomfield's Norfolk repeatedly, as to the possessions of the two 
Ralfs. 3 Biarz, see last chapter, note 40 . William Ave- 

nel, lord of Biarz, seems meant in both cases. The Avenels were 
seneschals to the counts of Mortain. A.L.P. See M. de Ger- 
ville, Mem. Ant. Norm. iv. 157. In the Red book, ' Willus Ave- 
nel 5 mil. regi, et servitium 1 mil. de com. Mort.' 4 This 

may be read either Hubert Paisnel, lord of Mostiers — or 
Paisnel, lord of Mostiers-Hubert; but the latter is more 
likely, [no Hubert Paisnel being known, and] the Paisnels hav- 
ing been lords of Mostiers-Hubert, in the arrondissement of Li- 
sieux. The scite of the castle there is still visible. Ordcricus 
Vitulis mentions William Paisnel as one of the great men who 
died about the same time as the conqueror. He was perhaps 
[brother or] father of Ralf Paisnel, Paganel, or Pagnell, sheriff 
of Yorkshire. A.L.P. See M. de Gervillc, Mem. Ant. Norm. 
ii. 280—308; Introd. Domesday, i. 464. In the Red book. 



or THE CONQUEST. 227 

those of Bretoil 7 , put out the eyes of many an En- 
glishman with their arrows. The men of Sole 8 and 
Oireval 9 , and of St. Johan and B renal 10 , of Brius 11 
and of Homez 12 , were to be seen on that day, strik- 
ing at close quarters, and holding their shields over 

' Hugo Paganellus 5 mil. et ad servitium ejus 6 mil;' and 
' In balliva de Passeis' — ' Gervasius Paganellus 1 mil. et sibi 4 
mil.' 5 Robert Bertram the tort or crooked, lord of 

Briquebec near Valognes; — as to the picturesque remains of whose 
castle see Mr. Cotman's and Mr. WifFen's works: in the latter is 
a pedigree of this illustrious family. Robert's brother William 
is also generally considered to have been at the conquest. A 
younger branch, from whom came the Mitfords, formed estab- 
lishments, though not of much account, in England ; it probably 
descended from this William ; or from another William de Ber- 
tram who stands in Domesday as a small holder in Hampshire ; 
Introd. Do?n. i. 382. In the Red book Roll, < Robertus Ber- 
tran 5 mil. ad servitium suum 34 et dim. in Constantin.' 
6 Le Vaudreuil, arrondissement of Louviers. 7 Bre- 

teuil, arrondissement of Evreux. 8 Sou les, arrondisse- 

ment of St. Lo. See M. de Gerville, Mem. Ant. Norm. v. 260. 
In the Red book, i Willus de Sola 1 mil. ad servitium suum 2 
mil. de com. Mort/ 9 Orval, near Coutances. In the 

Red book,' Willmus de Aureavalle 2 mil. et dim. et ad servitium 
suum 6 mil. in Constantin.' See, as to this family and the next, 
the charters, and the genealogy (though apparently incorrect) 
in Dugdale's Monasticon, under the head of Boxgrave. 
10 Saint Jean, near Avranches, from which came the St. Jean 
who married the daughter of Robert de Haia. See note *° be- 
low, and the Rechercfies of M. de Gerville. Brehal is between 
Coutances and Granville, and seems to have belonged to the Pais- 
nels; M. de Gerville, Mem. Ant. Norm. ii. 278. " The 

British Museum MS. changes the number of the pronoun, and 
reads til de Brius ; not eels, as in the case of the three preceding 



228 THE CHRONICLE 

their heads, so as to receive the blows of the hat- 
chets. All would rather have died than have failed 
their lawful lord. 



names. M. Le Prevost considers Brieux — Broicae — three leagues 
from Falaise, to be intended. But this is doubtful. We are now 
clearly in the Cotentin; and Brix, near Valognes, (spelt Brus in 
John's Itinerary, Archaol. xxiv, and Brucius,in the latin legend, 
mentioned by M. de Gerville on Portbail, and in Mem. Ant. 
Norm. v. 318), seems more appropriate to the connection. See 
M. de Gerville's Recherches, No. 9 and 10, as to Brix and chateau 
d'Adam. Moreover the next place mentioned is Hommet, and 
the family of that name had a fief in Brix. There is strong pro- 
bability in M. de Gerville's derivation thence of the Scotch Bruces, 
Adam being a common name with the Skeltonline; but there were 
several names so nearly approaching in sound, though variously 
spelt in Latin, French, and English, that the subject may well be 
involved in some obscurity. Robertus de Bruis is in Domesday, 
Introd. i. 387. 12 Hommet, arrondissement of St. Lo ; see M . 
de Gerville's Recherches, No. 10 and elsewhere, as to this power- 
ful family, and as to the castle, No. 125. In the Red book, ' Jor- 
danus de Humeto 3 mil. de foedo de CI . . .? et ad servitium suum 
13 mil.' ' Richardus de Humeto 3 mil. et dim. de honore de 
Humeto, et ad serv. suum 18 mil. Idem servitium corporis sui 
de honore de Bellomonte.' "Wilmus de Humeto is among the list 
of defaulters. 13 Saint Sever, (in the arrondissement of 

Vire), may be here used to represent Hugh Lupus, as Avranches 
has perhaps been for Richard his father. But the true reading 
of the text is doubtful. In the British Museum it is Saint Seg, 
written on an erasure, and followed by a mark of abbreviation ; 
another MS. reads St. Sen, — which would probably be St. Saens ; 
and another reads St. Saire (near Neufchatel), — St. Salvius, where 
was an ancient abbey. M Cailly, arrondissement of 

Rouen ; referring either to Osbern de Cailly ; or to his son Roger, 
who in 1080 made a donation to St. Ouen. William de Cailgi in 



OF THE CONQUEST. 229 

And there were also present the lords of Saint- 
Sever 13 and Caillie 14 , and the sire de Sernillie 15 , and 
Martels de Basquevile l6 ; and near him the lords 



Domesday might be a brother. A junior branch of the family 
was established in England ; but was not of much account, till 
Thomas de Cailly married Emma, one of the coheirs of Sir Ro- 
bert de Tateshall, and succeeded through her to the barony of 
Buckenham. See note below on Preaux. In the Red book, ' Os- 
bertus de Caillio 12 mil. de honore de Caillio;' and afterwards 
1 in ballia de Oxm/ — ' Osbertus de Calleio 2 mil.; scilicet 1 mil. 
ad s. custam. et alt. ad cust. dni.' 15 Semilly, near St. 

Lo. William de Semilly appears in two charters about 1082. 
The family becoming extinct in the twelfth century, Semilly passed 
to the line of Hommet. A. L.P. The castle was'an important 
one; see M. de Gerville, Mem. Ant. Norm. v. 232. The name 
of Semilly, however, occurs very frequently, at a much later period 
than the twelfth century, in the charters in vol. vii. of those me- 
tnoires. 16 Bacqueville, arrondissement of Dieppe. 

The head of this family, in the maternal line, was Nicholas de 
Bacqueville, one of the six sons of Baudry-le-Teuton. His daugh- 
ter, it would seem, married Hugh Fitz-Grip, or Hugh of Ware- 
ham; whose son, grandson, or perhaps nephew, was William 
Martel, butler to king Stephen, and brother of Walter of St. Mar- 
tin ; see his fief in Hearne's Liber Niger. See also Duchesne, 
313; and a charter to Montivilliers, in Gallia Christ, xi. app. 
c. 329. Hugh's wife appears in Domesday, Introd. i. 502. 499. 
There is a JefTery or Goisfrid Martel, one of the undertenants, 
Domesday, Introd. ii. 352. In the Red book, ' Gaufridus Mar- 
tell 2 mil.et ad serv.suum 8 et tert. part.' ' Rogerus Martel' also 
appears there. 17 Preaux. There are several communes of 

the name in Normandy, and it might be safest to refer this to one in 
Wace's neighbourhood. There are also two communes of the name 
near Pont-Audemer, where were two monastic foundations. Wace 
may, however, refer to the more distinguished fief in the arron- 



230 THE CHRONICLE 

of Praels 1 ?, of Goviz 18 and Sainteals ^ of Viez Mo- 
lei 20 , and Monceals 21 ; and he who was sire de 
Pacie 22 , and the seneschal de Corcie 23 , and a che- 



disseraent of Rouen, which was about 1070 held by the Eudo 
dapifer of Domesday, son of Hubert de Rie. The lords of Preaux 
were afterwards of much account in French history. They formed 
a branch of the house of Cailly, commencing about the time Wace 
wrote. ' Ego Osbernus de Pratellis filius Osberni de Calleio'. . . 
appears in a charter in L'Histoire de VAbbaie de la Trinite de 
Mont St. Catharine, p. 77. In the Red book Osbertus de Pra- 
tellis is among the defaulters. 18 Gouvix, arrondisse- 
ment of Falaise. The early history of the lords of Gouvix is not 
known; but Ralf de Goviz appears, in 1181, in the charter of 
foundation of the abbey of Barbery ; he is also witness to a char- 
ter of arrangement with Fontenay; Mem. Ant. Norm. vii. 363; 
and see the same work, iv. 406. The castle stood on a rock, on 
the banks of the river Laise, where its ruins are still visible. 
19 Cintheaux, arrondissement of Falaise. The early lords of 
Cintheaux also are unknown. In 1181 the church is mentioned 
as given to Barbery. A.L.P. Richard and Ralf de Cintheaux 
— de Sanctellis — appear in the charter of arrangement mentioned 
in the last note. 20 See note below, on Molei. 
21 There are many communes called Monceaux. The one meant 
is probably that near Bayeux. M Pacy suit l'Eure, 
arrondissement of Evreux. Pacy seems at the conquest to have 
belonged to William Fitz-Osbern. But there certainly was a Wil- 
liam de Pacy in 1080, who possibly held under him. Ord. Vit. 
527 — 576. 23 Courcy has occurred before. The lords 
of Courcy known to have held the office of seneschal were Ro- 
bert, under the empress Matilda, and William, under Hen. II.; 
and there is no other authority than AY ace's for its belonging to 
earlier members of the family. It is possible that one of the 
Courcys of Wace stands for Courceilles. In the Bayeux inquest, 
' Gosellinus de Corcella feodum v mil. in Corcella et in Berne- 



OF THE CONQUEST. 231 

valier de Lacie 2 *, with the lords de Gascie 25 , d'Oil- 
lie 26 , and de Sacie 27 , and the sires de Vaacie 28 , del 
Torneor 29 , and de Praeres 30 , and Willame de Co- 



rns.' In the Red book is a similar entry, substituting Rogerus for 
Goscellinus. He appears among the jurors, and is there called 
Gangelinus. Roger de Corcelles is a landholder in Domesday, 
Introd. i. 401. 24 Lacie also has occurred before. 

Here the expression is peculiar/ un chevalier de Lacie/ — which 
was intended perhaps to distinguish him from the superior lord, 
before mentioned, K Gace, arrondissement of Argentan. 

Robert de Gace, grandson of archbishop Robert, and son of Ralf 
1 caput Asini,' — who was concerned in the murder of Gilbert 
count of Brionne — died without children before the conquest, 
and the duke seized his lands. Orderic. Vit. 488 and 681. 
Who held Gace afterwards under the duke does not appear. 
26 The cradle of the noble family of D'Oiley is, on the authority 
of M. Le Prevost and M. Galeron, to be sought at Ouilly-le- 
Basset, arrondissement of Falaise. Robert d'Oily was the one at 
the conquest. His daughter Maud married Milo Crespin, who 
had with her Wallingford castle. Introd. Domesday, i. 458; ii. 
361. ^ Sassy, arrondissement of Avranches, near Pon- 

torson. Jourdain de Sacey appears in a charter of Richard de 
Subligny, bishop of Avranches, about the middle of the twelfth 
century; and see M. de Gerville's Recherches, No. 93. A.L.P. 
28 Vassy, arrondissement of Vire. Robert and Ivo de Vassy — 
Vesci in English orthography — were in William's expedition, and 
settled in England. A.L.P. In the Bayeux inquest, ' Engue- 
randus deVaceyo, vavassor, sed servit pro dimidio mil.' In the 
Red book is ' Juliana de Vaacio 4 mil.' In the Mem. Ant. 
Norm. viii. 28, W r illiam Vassy and Robert his brother appear in 
a charter, which is afterwards quoted p. 143, giving their names 
as Waace, — apparently the same name as the poet's. w Le 

Tourn eur, near Vire. A.L.P. 30 Presles, arrondisse- 

ment of Vire. In the Red book, * In ballia de castro de Vira,' 



232 THE CHRONICLE 

lumbieres, and old Gilbert d'Asnieres 31 , de Chaig- 
nes, and de Tornieres 32 , and old Hue de Bolebec 33 , 
and Dam Richart, who held Orbec 34 , and the sire 
de Bonnesboz 35 , and the sires de Sap, and de 
Gloz 26 j and he who then held Tregoz 37 ; he killed 

are l Joannes de Praeriis dim. mil.' and ' Mattheus dePraeriis 4 
partem/ 31 Columbieres and Asnieres are in the ar- 

rondissement of Bayeux. The lords of both are found in a charter 
of 1082, in favour of the Abbaye-aux-dames, of Caen. The lord 
of Asnieres was then Ralf, who possibly had succeeded ' Gilbert 
le viel.' A.L.P. Ralf de Columbels, or Columbers, in Domes- 
day held lands in Kent. In the Bayeux inquest, ' feodum Ma- 
levrier in Asinieres debet servitium dim. mil.' The Malevriers 
were well known in England. 32 Cahagnes, arrondisse- 

ment of Vire. The lords of Cahagnes are among the benefactors 
of Grestein and Lewes. William de Cahagnes appears to have 
been in the expedition, and is found in Domesday, Introd. i. 390 ; 
ii. 360. In the Red book, ' In ballia de Tenechebraio,' is ' Ra- 
dus de Chaineis [Chaagnes in Duchesne] 1 mil.' Tournieres 
is in the arrondissement of Bayeux. Richard de Turneriis is, 
under Hen. I., mentioned in the foundation charter of Kenil- 
worth. In the Bayeux inquest, ' feodum Ricardi de Tourneriis, 
ibidem et apud Hayam vavassoria.' M Bolbec, arron- 

dissement of Havre. The printed text is ' Luce.' The MS. of 
Duchesne reads ' le filz Hue de Bolbec ;' but the British Mus. 
MS. reads 'vielz Hue,' which we presume is correct. Hugh was 
in William's service. He held under Walter GirTard, lord of Bol- 
bec and Longueville, and had joined, in 1061, in the donation of 
the church of Bolbec to the abbey of Bernay. See Introd. Domes- 
day, i. 383. He had two sons, another Hugh and Walter. Ac- 
cording to Dugdale's Baronage, i. 451, there were two cotem- 
porary Hughs in England at the beginning of the twelfth century. 
34 Richard de Bienfaite, arrondissement of Lisieux. He was 
Fitz-Gilbert, as son of Gilbert earl of Brionne, elder brother of 



OF THE CONQUEST. 233 

two Englishmen ; smiting the one through with his 
lance, and braining the other with his sword ; and 
then galloped his horse back, so that no English- 
man touched him. 

And the sire de Monfichet 38 was there, leading- 



Baldwin de Meules above mentioned. He received Bienfaite and 
Orbec from the duke, as an indemnity for his share of the patri- 
mony alienated during his minority. He became lord of Clare 
and Tonbridge ; see Introd. Domesday, i. 477, 494 ; ii. 395. 
35 Bonnebosq, arrondissement of Pont-1'Evesque. Ralf de Bon- 
nebosq appears among the benefactors of St. Stephen at Caen. 
Under Hen. I. Gilbert de Bonnebosq was son-in-law of Morin 
du Pin, dapifer of the earl of Mortain. A.L.P. Red book roll, 
(de Baiocasino) ' Robtus de Bonesboz 1 mil. regi de 3 mil. quos 
habet in Algia.' Robert's ancestors are mentioned in a charter to 
Jumieges, Neustria Pia, 324. x Sap and Gloz, arron- 

dissement of Argentan. Sap was before the conquest given, with 
Meules, to Baldwin ; of whom it was therefore held by whoever 
occupied at the conquest. Gloz belonged to William deBreteuil, 
Barnon de Gloz having been in the service of his father Osbern 
about 1035. William de Gloz, son of Barnon, was dapifer to 
William de Breteuil, and probably assisted at the conquest. 
A.L.P. In the Red book, ' In ballia de Tenechebraio,' — ' de 
honore de Sap 1 mil/ ^ Tregoz, or Trois-Gots, arron- 

dissement of St. Lo. The ruins of the castle are visible at the 
confluence of the Vire and the brook Marquelan. In Brampton's 
list is Traygod. His successors were benefactors of Hambye, and 
one of them signed the foundation charter of 1145. Ledyard- 
Tregoze in Wiltshire bears the family name. Jeffery de Tregoz 
would according to Dugdale, Bar. i. 615, be the probable cotem- 
porary of the conquest. See De Gerville, Mem. Ant. Norm. v. 
215. In the Red book, ' Willmus de Tresgoz 1 mil. et dim.' 
38 Montfiquet, arrondissement of Bayeux, where the ruins of the 
old castle are visible. William de Montfichet was benefactor of 



234 THE CHRONICLE 

a gallant party; and the ancestor of Hue li Bigot 3y , 
who had lands at Maletot, and at Loges and Cha- 
non, and served the duke in his house as one of his 
seneschals, which office he held in fee. He had 
with him a large troop, and was a noble vassal. 
He was small of body, but very brave and bold, and 
assaulted the English with his men gallantly. 
And now might be heard the loud clang and cry 



Cerisy during the conqueror's reign ; he was probably the son of 
Gilbert de Montfichet, one of the most authentic personages con- 
cerned in the conquest. A.L.P. But see Dugdale's Baronage, 
i. 438. ffl Bigot. This illustrious family is traced no 

higher than Robert le Bigot, who was a relation of Richard d'Av- 
ranches, and quitted the service of Werlene comte of Mortain, to 
attach himself to the duke ; see William of Jumieges, vii. c. 19. 
In England, it would seem from the Chester charters, that some 
at least of the Bigots continued attached to Hugh d'Avranches 
(Lupus), though Roger was one of William's privy councillors, 
and treasurer of his house. His son Hugh became earl of Nor- 
folk about 1140. The leading branch of the family became ex- 
tinct, and the earldom ceased 35 Edw. I. Wace's assertion that 
Roger was seneschal to William is not supported by any other 
authority, of which we are aware; though from the grant to his son, 
Dugdale, i. 132, it appears that Roger occupied the office under 
Hen. I. Wace may be in error, confounding it with the high 
office Roger undoubtedly held in William's household. Maltot 
is in the arrondissement of Caen ; Loges is near Aulnay ; Canon- 
is in the arrondissement of Lisieux. The earl of Chester's charter 
to St. Werberg — about 1094 — in the Monast icon, is witnessed by, 
among others of ' his barons,' two Bigots, namely Roger Bigod, 
and Bigod de Loges. A subsequent charter of earl Ranulf Mes- 
chines has a Robert fil. Bigoti. Bigot de Loges appears also se- 



OF THE CONQUEST. 235 

of battle, and the clashing of lances. The English 
stood firm in their barricades, and shivered the 
lances, beating them into pieces with their bills and 
maces. The Normans drew their swords and hewed 
down the barricades, and the English in great trou- 
ble fell back upon their standard, where were col- 
lected the maimed and wounded. 

Then the sire de la Haie 40 charged on, and nei- 



paratelyin Domesday, Introd. ii. 350. Lords of Maltot,and also 
lords of Loges, appear in charters in vol. vii of the Mem. Ant. 
Norm. In the Bayeux inquest, * feodum Hugonis Bigoti in Loges 
et Savenaye vavassoria, sed serviunt pro mil. dim.' In the Red 
book Hugh is one of the defaulters. The history of this family, 
their name and origin, seems worthy of more consideration than 
has hitherto been given. The usually assigned origin of the name 
appears doubtful. An important branch of the stock remained in 
Normandy. Jean le Bigot or le Bihot was a leading baron at the 
meeting of the states in 1 350. We find Bigot, Bihot, Vigot,Wigot, 
( Dowescfoj/), \Vihot,Wigelot, all forms perhaps of the same name, 
which is generally used with le, or adjectively. On 
one of their Norfolk estates was lately found a signet 
ring of one of the family, exhibiting in the rebus- 
1 by-goat' — a new variety of the name ; see engrav- 
ing. 40 Haie-du-Puits, arrondissement of Coutances ; 
near the abbey of Lessay, which was founded by Richard, com- 
monly called Turstain Haldup, Halduc, or Haralduc, head of the 
family before the conquest ; see pedigree in Wiffen's History of 
Russell. Turstain's son Eudo cum capello, or Eudo dapifer 
(though not the Eudo dapifer of Domesday) was, as we have seen 
above, page 102, called into counsel by William. We know not 
whether it was Eudo, or, as seems more probable, either Ralf de 
Haia, seneschal of the count of Mortain, or Ralf 's son Robert, who 




236 THE CHRONICLE 

ther spared nor pitied any ; striking none whom he 
did not kill, and inflicting wounds such as none 
could cure. 

The lords de Vitrie 41 and Urinie 42 , deMoubrai 43 
and Saie 44 , and the sire de la Ferte 45 , smote down 



was at the conquest. The latter, as lord of Halnac in Sussex, 
founded Boxgrave ; and had three children, — Cecily, who is stated 
in the genealogy in Dugdale to have married Roger Saint-Jean, 
and two sons, Richard and Ralf. Richard was taken by pirates, 
and his estates went to daughters. Ralf married a daughter of 
William de Albini, pincerna, and either by her or another wife 
left descendants. The notes to M. Pluquet's Wace seem erro- 
neous as to this family; as will be seen by the Lessay charters in 
Dugdale, Gallia Christiana, and Neustria pia ; also by those of 
Blanchelande. A passage in one charter in Gallia Christ, thus 
supplies many particulars ; ' Robertus de Haya, filius Radulfi, 
senescalli scilicet Roberti comitis Moritonii, nepos Hudonis, da- 
piferi Willelmi Regis/ There is, however, much obscurity hang- 
ing over the pedigree, which we have no space for discussing. 
In what precise way the Haies succeeded to Eudo cum capello 
is one of the principal difficulties. As to the remains of their 
castle, see M. de Gerville, Recherches, No. 41 . In the Red book, 
' Radus de Haia 2 mil. et dim. de honore de Plaiseis, et 1 mil. 
de honore de Mort. de feodo de Criensiis, et ad servit. suum 6 
mil. et dim. in Constant.' The honor of Haye is afterwards men- 
tioned as ' Honor de Haia de Puteo de com. Mort. i. mil. regi.' 
41 See the last chapter, note 43 . 42 Oricxv. There are 

two of the name, one near Bellesme, the other near Mamers. 
43 Roger de Moubray, see note 2 , page 157. 44 Say, 

arrondissement of Argentan. The lords of Say took the name or 
surname of PicoT,by which, as in Dotnesday, ihey are often called 
without the Say. In the Red book, 'Alexander de Piccot 4 partem 
in Piccot.' In the Bayeux inquest is * feodum Guillmi Picoth 
feodum 3 mil. in Culeyo, in Traceyo et Leon, et Franca-Villula 



OF THE CONQUEST. 237 

many of the English, most of whom suffered grie- 
vously, and many of them were killed. Botevilain 46 
and Trossebot 47 feared neither blow nor thrust, but 
heartily gave and took many on that day. 

William Patric de la Lande 48 called aloud for 



supra Iiothom. et Montberton/ Robert Picot de Say with his 
sons Robert and Henry, were benefactors in 1060 to the church 
of St. Martin de Say. Picot de Say is found as witness to a char- 
ter in 1080 between Jumieges and St. Maximin d'Orleans. See 
also the foundation charter of Shrewsbury in 1085. A.L.P. 
45 Ferte Mace — (Feritas Matthaei) — arrondissement of Dun- 
front. A sister of Odo bishop of Bayeux, and of Muriel, the wife 
of Eudo cum Capello mentioned before, married the lord of Ferte 
Mace, as we learn from Mr. Stapleton, and probably assisted at 
the conquest. His son is called in a charter quoted in a ' vidi- 
mus' of an archbishop of Tours, temp. St. Louis, as ' Guills de 
Feritate castro dnus, nepos dni Odonis Baiocensis episc' Or- 
dericus Vitalis, mentions a William de la Ferte as leading troops 
in Maine in 1073. In the Red book, 'In ballia de Passeis' — 
' Matheus de Feritate 2 mil. et sibi 15 mil.' 46 The lord 

of Boutteville, arrondissement of Valognes, was at the con- 
quest; see M. de Gerville, Recherches, No. 24. Whether Boute- 
vile in the Battle Abbey roll be meant for the same name as the 
Boutevilain of Brampton and Wace, is not clear. See the foun- 
dation of Pipewell in 1143. Monasticon, v. 431. There appear 
to have been Bouttevilles in Somerset and Bedford, and Boutte- 
vilains in Northamptonshire. A. L. P. 47 The name of 

Trossebot — afterwards Trussbut in England— occurs both in the 
Battle Abbey roll, and in Brampton. From Ordericus Vitalis it 
appears that William Trossebot was one of the new men, raised 
by Hen. I. from comparative obscurity. In 1132 Jeffery Trusbut, 
or Fitz Payne, founded the priory of Wartre, in Yorkshire. In 
the Red book, * Gaufridus Trossebot 1 mil. de serjanteria fores- 
teriae.' 48 W'illiam Patry, lord of La Lande-Patry, 



238 THE CHRONICLE 

king Harold, saying that if he could see him, he 
would appeal him of perjury. He had seen him at 
la Lande, and Harold had rested there on his way 
through, when he was taken to the duke, then at 
Avranches, on his road to Brittany. The duke made 
him a knight there, and gave him and his compa- 
nions arms and garments, and sent him against the 
Bretons. Patric stood armed by the duke's side, 
and was much esteemed by him. 

There were many knights of Chauz 49 , who joust- 
ed and made attacks. The English knew not how 
to j oust, nor bear arms on horseback, but fought with 



arrondissement of Domfront. See La Roque, Histoire de la mai- 
son d'Har court, and La Chesnaye des Bois. William of Poitiers 
makes William receive Harold at Eu ; and the Bayeux tapestry, 
in bringing the count of Ponthieu with his captive, seems to vouch 
for the same account. Again, he says, 'secum in Britanniam 
duxit,' which may appear to clash with the literal purport of 
Wace's narrative ; but probably these statements will not be thought 
very difficult of reconciliation. In the Red book roll, * Willus 
Patric de honore de Loanda 1 mil. et ad servitium suum 3 mil.' 
i0 The pays de Caux. 50 See note to next chapter, as to 

the use of the shield, and the enarmes,and guige. 5l Ralf 

de Mortemer, not Hugh his son, appears to have been with the 
expedition. An instance of Wace's imperfect knowledge of this 
family has been noticed at the battle of Mortemer; where he omits 
all reference to Roger de Mortemer, Ralf 's father. Roger lost his 
estates on that occasion ; and though he was soon after restored, 
the fief of Mortemer remained with William Warren. Ralf, how- 
ever, afterwards recovered this also, and made donations in favour 
of St. Victor-en-Caux, which in 1074 had been raised by Roger 
to the rank of an abbey. Ralf received large possessions in Eng- 



OF THE CONQUEST. 239 

hatchets and bills. A man when he wanted to strike 
with one of their hatchets, was obliged to hold it 
with both his hands, and could not at the same time, 
as it seems to me, both cover himself and strike with 
any freedom 50 . 

The English fell back upon a rising ground, and 
the Normans followed them across the valley, at- 
tacking them on foot and horseback. Then Hue de 
Mortemer 51 , with the sires d'Auviler 52 , d'Onebac 53 , 
and Saint-Cler 5 *, rode up and charged, overthrow- 
ing many. 

Robert Fitz Erneis 55 fixed his lance, took his 



land : he was living in 1104, and then took part with Hen. I. In 
the Red book, * Hugo de Mortuo-Mari 5 mil. et ad serv. suum 
13 et dim.' See Introd. Dow.,i. 455. 52 Most probably 

AuviLLARs,arrondissement of Pont-1'Evesque. In the Red book, 
(de Baiocasino) ' Robertus de Alviler 1 mil. de 2 mil. et 4 part, mil . 
quos habet.' 53 Asnebec, nearVire. The estate appears to 

have belonged to the lords of Beaumont-le-Roger at the period of 
the conquest. A.L.P. According to what we believe to be impor- 
tant authority on this point, we should rather find here Anne- 
BAULT-en-Auge,arrondissement of Pont-1'Eveque. Its lords were 
a baronial house, making grants to monasteries in the vicinity. 
54 Saint-Clair, arrondissement of St. Lo. See M. de Ger- 
ville's Recherches. The scite of the castle is still observable. 
William de Saint-Clair endowed the abbey of Savigny under 
Hen. I. In 1139 the priory of Villers-Fossard was founded by 
one of the same name. The English Sinclairs are reputed to be 
of this stock. A.L.P. Ricardus de Sender or Sent-Cler appears 
in Domesday, Introd. ii. 388. 55 Robert Fitz-Erneis, 

nephew of Raoul Tesson I. mentioned before, at the battle of Val- 
des- Dunes, as Raol Tesson de Cingueleiz, and cousin of Raol 



240 THE CHRONICLE 

shield, and galloping towards the standard with his 
keen-edged sword, struck an Englishman who was 
in front, killed him, and then drawing back his 
sword, attacked many others, and pushed straight 
for the standard, trying to beat it down; but the En- 
glish surrounded it, and killed him with their bills. 
He was found on the spot, when they afterwards 



Tesson II . enumerated above among the barons at Hastings. Ro- 
bert was son of Erneis and Hawise his wife, sister to Fulk d'Au- 
nou. His fall in the battle is mentioned in a charter of his son 
Robert Fitz-Erneis, containing much information as to the family 
pedigree, ' eodem vero patre meo in Anglia occiso ;' Gallia 
Christiana, xi. Instrum. 334. The family, on that account pro- 
bably, had formed no establishment in England at Domesday ; 
but we subsequently find King John confiscating lands in Essex, 
as ' terra Rob. fil. Hemisii;' see Hardy's Rot. Norm. 128. In the 
Red book, ' Eudo Alius Ernisii servitium corporis sui, et ad ser- 
vitium suum 2 mil. et dim. 6 par. et 8 arg.' x Robert 

comtedeMortain — comes Moritolii — whomWilliam of Malms- 
bury describes as ' crassi et hebetis ingenii hominem,' — uterine 
brother of William. He lead the chivalry of the Cotentin. He is 
seen in the Bayeux tapestry, seated on one side of the duke, his 
brother Odo the bishop being on the other. He had the earldom 
of Cornwall, and the largest allotment of spoil. See M. de 
Gerville, Recherches, No. 105; Introd. Domesday, i. 455. 
57 Errand de Harcourt, according to the historian of the 
house, a person little known, and of doubtful authenticity. A 
branch of this illustrious family certainly settled in England ; but 
the connection is fictitious, by which some genealogists carry it 
up to the conquest, making a Gervais, a JefTry, and an Arnold 
present at Hastings. According to La Roque, it was Ralf, se- 
cond son of Robert II. baron d'Harcourt, who attached himself 
to king John, and became head of the English branch ; but this 



OF THE CONQUEST. 241 

sought for him, dead, and lying at the standard's foot. 
Robert count of Moretoing 56 never went far from 
the duke. He was his brother on the mother's side, 
and brought him great aid. The sire de Herecort 57 
was also there, riding a very swift horse, and gave 
all the help he could. The sires de Crievecoer 58 , 
Driencort 59 , and Briencort 60 , also followed the 



also is doubtful. A. L. P. The name is not in Domesday. 
58 Crevecozur, arrondissement of Lisieux. The Crevecoeurs — 
de Crepito-corde — settled in England, and were divided into two 
branches, those of Redburn and Kent, from the lime of Hen. I ; 
see the endowments of Bullington and Leedes in the Monasticon. 
Hasted says (though his authority may be questioned) that the 
family name of Hamo dapifer or vice-comes of Domesday was 
Crevequer. He adds that he was brother of Robert Fitz-Hamon ; 
and here he is supported by a charter of the Conqueror to Saint 
Denis, existing still at Paris, to which we find as witnesses, 'Ego 
Haimo Regis dapifer' — ' Ego Robertus frater hujus Haimonis.' 
See Introd. Domesday, i. 432. In the Bayeux inquest, ' Hugo 
de Crevecuire feodum v mil/ 59 Driencourt changed 

its name to Neufchatel, after Hen. I. built a castle there. Nothing 
seems known of the lords of Driencourt in England ; unless we 
find them in the Daincurt of Domesday ; Introd. i. 365 ; ii. 
406; and see Dugdale's Baronage, i. 385. 60 No 

place of this name is known in Normandy. It may refer to 
Brucourt, arrondissement of Pont-1'Evesque ; and the correct 
reading of the MS. was perhaps Brieucort. See Robert de Bru- 
court's confirmation of the grants by Jeffery de Fervaques to Wal- 
singham. About the same time a Gilbert de Brucourt gave lands 
at Fervaques to the abbey of Val-Richer. A.L.P. In the Red 
book — de ballia de Oximis — ' Gilbertus de Breuecourt 2 mil. regi 
de Pinu cum pertinent. Idem 1 mil. de fcedo Mort. in Cerenciis.' 
We afterwards find, — among those who ' serviunt ad custamen- 



242 THE CHRONICLE 

duke wherever he moved. The sires de Com- 
brai 61 , and Alnei 62 ; de Fontenei 63 , Rebercil 64 , and 
Molei 65 , challenged Harold the king to come forth, 
and said to the English, u Stay ! stay ! where is 
your king ? he that perjured himself to William ? 
He is a dead man, if we find him." 

Many other barons there were, whom I have not 



turn domini, — ' Gillebertus de Bruecort, senex, 4 partem de Cole- 
vill et Angervill.' Gilbert de Brucourt and Hugh his son 
appear in a charter to Troarn. Mem. Ant. No?-m. viii. 238. 
61 Combray, arrondissement of Falaise. At a later period lords 
of this name are among the benefactors of St. Barbe-en-Auge and 
Fontenay. 62 Atjlnay. See note ^ last chapter. There 

are four communes of this name. Aulnay l'Abbaye, arrondisse- 
ment of Vire, belonged in the twelfth century to the Says above 
mentioned, and Jourdain de Saye founded the abbey there in 1131. 
De Alneto is of common recurrence in early charters. There was 
also a house of Laune, de Alno, at Laulne near Lessay ; see M. 
de Gerville's Recherches, ii. 241. 63 There are nine Fok- 

tenays in Normandy. If we are to presume that the one here 
alluded to is Fontenay-le-Marmion, near Caen, the lord of Mar- 
mion would seem mentioned twice; though Fontenay was possibly 
then held by some one under the Marmions. The Marmion at 
Hastings is considered to have been Robert; not Roger, as Wace 
says. There was a Roger afterwards, who is named in a charter 
of king Richard to Grestain. In the Red book, Robertus Mar- 
mion is among the defaulters. In the Bayeux inquest, ' feodum 
Marmion et Rogeri et in Buevilla 1 mil.' 64 Rubercy, 

arrondissement of Bayeux. It appears that when the abbey of 
Longues was founded in 1 168 by Hugh Wac, he was lord of Re- 
bercil, and gave lands there to the foundation. This Hugh was 
probably the same as married Emma daughter of Baldwin Fitz- 
Gilbert (founder, in 1 1 38, of Bourne, in Lincolnshire), and grand- 



OF THE CONQUEST. 243 

even named; for I cannot give an account of them 
all, nor can I tell of all the feats they did, for I 
would not be tedious. Neither can I give the names 
of all the barons, nor the surnames 66 of all whom 
the duke brought from Normandy and Brittany in 
his company. He had also many from Mans and 
Thouars ; and Angevins and Poitevins ; and men 



daughter of a Gilbert, apparently cotemporary with the conquest. 
A.L.P. Hugh's son, also called Baldwin, appears in the Monas- 
ticon, and in the charters of Longues; Mem. Ant. Norm. viii. 

65 See Vieux-Molay before; this being perhaps a repetition of 
the same person, lord of Mollei-Bacon, arrondissement of Ba- 
yeux. William Bacon, who in 1082 endowed the abbey of the 
Trinity at Caen, answers to this period. The first of the Bacons 
known in England was Richard Bacon, nephew of Ranulf earl of 
Chester, and founder of the priory of Roucester in Staffordshire. 
M. Le Prevost asks why the English Bacons deduced their origin 
from a Grimbald, cousin of William Warren, in preference to the 
well known Bacons of Molay ? See as to the history of Mollei- 
Bacon the Abbe Beziers, in Nouvelles Recherches sur la 'France, 
Paris, 1766, vol. i. Among the defaulters in the Red book is 
' Rogerus Bathon [de Bacon in Duchesne] pro quarta parte in 
Campigneio' — Campigny-les-Bois, arrondissement of Bayeux ? 
This Roger Bacon seems to have been brother to Philip de 
Colombieres; see Memoires des Antlq. Norm. viii. 153. 441. 

66 Brampton takes the safe side in protesting against being account- 
able for the baptismal names of the early Norman barons; in spe- 
cifying which Wace has, we have seen, often erred. There is a 
charter to Bernay in the Mem. Ant. Norm. iv. 381, granted, it 
would seem, by duke Richard II. at the great council at which 
he, in 1027, made disposition of his dutchy in favour of his son. 
Besides dignitaries of the church, it is signed by one hundred and 
twenty-one viscounts, barons, &c. of whom all, with the exception 



244 THE CHRONICLE 

of Ponthieu and Bologne. He had also soldiers 67 
from many lands, who came some for land and some 
for money. Great was the host, and great the en- 
terprize. 

Duke William fought gallantly, throwing himself 
wherever the greatest press was, beating down many 
who found no rescue ; so that it might easily be 
seen that the business in hand was his own. He 
who bore his gonfanon that day — Tostein 68 , Fitz- 
iiou le blanc by name, born at Bee near Fescamp — 
was a brave and renowned knight. He bore the gon- 
fanon boldly, high aloft in the breeze, and rode by 
the duke, going wherever he went. Wherever the 
duke turned, he turned also, and wheresoever he 



of those distinguished by offices, and Tustingus, (probably Tur- 
stin-Goz), Goffredus Wac and Gillebertus Veil in (if indeed the 
two last are not each the names of two distinct persons) are called 
merely by their baptismal names. The list is very curious, form- 
ing a complete parliament or council, of about one hundred and 
thirty magnates. Beiwit, in his short account of the exploits of 
the army, which will be found in our appendix, excuses himself 
from enumeration of the chiefs who composed it, by saying, 

En treis quaers [cahiers] de parchemin 

N'en venisse je pas a fin. 
67 Hired men. 68 See previous note on Turstin Fitz- 

Ror, the standard bearer. f9 Alan le roux, the red — 

of Britanny — received the earldom of Richmond and splendid 
grants for his services. See Introd. Domesday, i. 360 ; and, for 
the discussion as to his pedigree, see the introduction to Gale's 
Registrum of the honor of Richmond. Of all the combatants at 
Hastings, Alan is alone dwelt upon by Gaimar (who was per- 



OF THE CONQUEST. '24!j 

stayed his course, there he rested also. And the 
duke fought where the greatest throng was, where 
he saw the most English, and wherever the Normans 
were attacking and slaughtering them. He also 
had around him a great company, vavassors of Nor- 
mandy, who to save their lord would have put their 
own bodies between him and the enemies' blows. 

Alain Fergant 69 , count of Brittany, lead a great 
company of Bretons, a bold and fierce people, who 
willingly go wherever booty is to be won. They 
wounded and killed many; and few that they struck 
stood their ground. Alain Fergant himself fought 
like a noble and valiant knight, and led his Bretons 
on, doing great damage to the English. 



haps himself a Breton) in the following passage, which is not 
found in the MS. in British Museum. 

Li quiens Alain de Bretaigne 

Bien i ferit od sa compaigne. 

Cil i ferit come baron : 

Mult bien le firent Breton. 

Od le roi vint en ceste terre 

Pur lui aider de sa guerre; 

Son cosin ert, de son lignage, 

Gentil home de grant parage; 

Le roi servit et ama, 

Et il bien le guerdona ; 

Richement[mont?] li dona el north 

Bon chastel et bel et fort. 

En plusurs lius en Engleterre 

Li rois li donna de sa terre. 

Lunges la tint et puis finit : 



246 CHRONICLE OF the conquest. 

The sire de St. Galeri 70 , and the count d'Ou 71 , 
and Roger de Montgomeri and dam Ameri de Toarz 
also demeaned themselves like brave men, and those 
whom their blows reached were ill handled. 



A Seint-Edmon Tom l'enfouit. 

Ore ai dit de eel baron 

Repairer voil a ma raison. 
70 Bernard de St. Valery, on the Sorarae, who was grandson 
of duke Richard II. by a daughter, and was therefore cousin to 
the conqueror. A branch of the St. Valery family established it- 
self in England ; Ranulfus de St. Walarico appears in Domes- 
day, Introd. i. 503. In the Red book, de Baiocasino, is ' Guido 
de Sancto Galerico 1 mil. pro allodiis tail!.;' and among the de- 
faulters is ' Bernardus de Sancto Valerico, pro foedo de Valle de 
Dun.' 71 Robert comte d'Eu. We have seen him be- 

fore at the battle of Mortemer. He received the custody of the 
castle of Hastings, and considerable lands in England, which his 
family retained till the severance of Normandy; see Introd. 
Domesday, i. 463; and Estancelin's History of the comtes d'Eu. 
Comes Augi is one of the defaulters in the Red book roll. 




CHAPTER XXIV. 

WHAT DEEDS OF ARMS DUKE WILLIAM DID J AND HOW 
HAROLD WAS SLAIN AND THE ENGLISH FLED. 

Duke William pressed close upon the English 
with his lance; striving hard to reach the standard 
with the great troop he led ; and seeking earnestly 
for Harold, on whose account the whole war was. 
The Normans follow their lord, and press around 
him; they ply their blows upon the English ; and 
these defend themselves stoutly, striving hard with 
their enemies, returning blow for blow. 

One of them was a man of great strength, a wres- 
tler, who did great mischief to the Normans with 
his hatchet ; all feared him, for he struck down 
a great many Normans. The duke spurred on his 
horse, and aimed a blow at him, but he stooped, and 



250 THE CHRONICLE 

so escaped the stroke; then jumping on one side, 
he lifted his hatchet aloft, and as the duke bent to 
avoid the blow, the Englishman boldly struck him 
on the head, and beat in his helmet, though with- 
out doing much injury. He was very near falling 
however, but bearing on his stirrups he recovered 
himself immediately; and when he thought to have 
revenged himself on the vagabond by killing him, 
the rogue had escaped, dreading the duke's blow. 
He ran back in among the English, but he was not 
safe even there, for the Normans seeing him, pur- 
sued and caught him; and having pierced him 
through and through with their lances, left him dead 
on the ground. 

Where the throng of the battle was greatest, the 
men of Kent and of Essex fought wondrously well, 
and made the Normans again retreat, but without 
doing them much injury. And when the duke saw 
his men fall back, and the English triumphing over 
them, his spirit rose high, and he seized his shield 



1 The enarmes were two thongs or loops of leather, fixed to the 
inside of the shield, by which it was borne on the arm. There 
was besides a leather strap and buckle, by which the shield was, 
when not in use, strung to the warrior's neck. This extra strap 
was called the guige ; and left the bearer the use of both hands, 
which were necessary when fighting with the battle axe. a L' 
Estoire de Seint JEdward le Rei puts an energetic exhortation into 
William's mouth at this crisis : 

Ke put estre, dist-il, ceste 

Cuardie, segnurs Normantz, 



OF THE CONQUEST. 251 

by the ' enarmes V ar| d his lance, which a vassal 
handed to him, and took his post by his gonfanon. 
Then those who kept close guard by him, and 
rode where he rode, being about a thousand armed 
men, came and rushed with closed ranks upon the 
English ; and with the weight of their good horses, 
and the blows the knights gave, broke the press of 
the enemy, and scattered the crowd before them, the 
good duke leading them on in front 2 . Many pur- 
sued and many fled ; many were the Englishmen 
who fell around, and were trampled under the horses, 
crawling upon the earth, and not able to rise. 
Many of the richest and noblest men fell in that 
rout, but still the English rallied in places ; smote 
down those whom they reached, and maintained the 
combat the best they could; beating down the men 
and killing the horses. One Englishman watched 
the duke, and plotted to kill him ; he would have 
struck him with his lance, but he could not, for the 
duke struck him first, and felled him to the earth. 



Ki ancesurs avez si grantz ? 
Rois Rou, ki as coups de lance 
Descumfist le rei de France, 
E le mata en mi sa terre, 
Par force de bataille e guerre ; 
E dues Richard k'apres li vint, 
Ki li (liable ateint e tint, 
E le venquit e le lia. 
E vus failliz, forlignez ja ! 
Sivet moi, ma sent demeine! 



252 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 

Loud was now the clamour, and great the slaugh- 
ter; many a soul then quitted the body it inhabit- 
ed. The living marched over the heaps of dead, and 
each side was weary of striking. He charged on 
who could, and he who could no longer strike still 
pushed forward. The strong struggled with the 
strong ; some failed, others triumphed ; the cowards 
fell back, the brave pressed on ; and sad was his 
fate who fell in the midst, for he had little chance 
of rising again ; and many in truth fell who never 
rose at all, being crushed under the throng. 

And now the Normans had pressed on so far, that 
at last they reached the standard 3 . There Harold 
had remained, defending himself to the utmost ; but 
he was sorely wounded in his eye by the arrow, and 
suffered grievous pain from the blow. An armed 
man came in the throng of the battle, and struck 
him on the ventaille of his helmet, and beat him to 
the ground ; and as he sought to recover himself, a 
knight beat him down again, striking him on the 
thick of his thigh, down to the bone. 

Gurth saw the English falling around, and that 
there was no remedy. He saw his race hastening; 



3 William of Poitiers and William of Malmsbun/ give the follow- 
ing description of this gonfanon or standard : ' Memorabile quo- 
que vexillum Heraldi, hominis armati imaginem intextum habens 
ex auro purissimo.' ' Vexillum illud . . . quod erat in hominis 
puo,nantis figura, auro et lapidibus arte sumptuosl contextual.' 



254 THE CHRONICLE 

to ruin, and despaired of any aid ; he would have 
fled, but could not, for the throng continually in- 
creased. And the duke pushed on till he reached 
him, and struck him with great force. Whether he 
died of that blow I know not, but it was said that 
he fell under it, and rose no more. 

The standard was beaten down, the golden gon- 
fanon was taken, and Harold and the best of his 
friends were slain ; but there was so much eager- 
ness, and throng of so many around, seeking to kill 
him, that I know not who it was that slew him. 

The English were in great trouble at having lost 
their king, and at the duke's having conquered and 
beat down the standard ; but they still fought on, 
and defended themselves long, and in fact till the 
day drew to a close. Then it clearly appeared to 
all that the standard was lost, and the news had 
spread throughout the army that Harold, for cer- 



the result of the battle and Harold's fall in a few lines. See ap- 
pendix. 5 Some discrepancy has been pointed out between 
the account here given by Wace and that found in William of 
Jumieges and William of Poitiers. The Latin historians say more 
as to resistance to the last in the battle. There can, however, 
hardly be said to be any material variance. The fight being ended, 
all agree that the English army dispersed and ultimately fled ; and 
what Wace dwells upon seems to have reference to the circum- 
stances of this final retreat. Bcnoit says, 

Cele occise, cele dolor 

Tint tant cum point i out dcu jor, 



OF THE CONQUEST. 255 

tain, was dead ; and all saw that there was no lon- 
ger any hope, so they left the field, and those fled 
who could 4 . 

I do not tell, and I do not indeed know, for I was 
not there to see, and have not heard say, who it was 
that smote down king Harold, nor by what weapon 
he was wounded ; but this I know, that he was 
found among the dead. His great force availed him 
nothing; amidst the slain he was found slain also 4 . 

The English who escaped from the field did not 
stop till they reached London, for they were in great 
fear, and cried out that the Normans followed close 
after them 5 . The press was great to cross the 
bridge, and the river beneath it was deep ; so that 
the bridge G broke under the throng, and many fell 
into the water. 

William fought well ; many an assault did he 
lead, many a blow did he give, and many receive, 



Ne la nuit ne failli la paine 

Ci que parut le Diemaine. 
— si quide l'om bien e creit 

Qu'a cine milliers furent esme 

Cil des lor qui furent trove, 

Sol eu grant champ del fereiz, 

Quant qu'il fussent desconfiz 

Estre l'occise e la martire 

QuiJ'u tide la nuit a tire. 
6 The author of the ' Chronicles of London Bridge ' has missed 
recording this notice of the early history of that structure; which 
seems till the reign of Hen. I. to have been of a very fragile 



256 THE CHRONICLE 

and many fell dead under his hand. Two 7 horses 
were killed under him, and he took a third when 
necessary, so that he fell not to the ground, and lost 
not a drop of blood. But whatever any one did, 
and whoever lived or died, this is certain, that Wil- 
liam conquered, and that many of the English fled 
from the field, and many died on the spot. Then 
he returned thanks to God, and in his pride order- 
ed his gonfanon to be brought and set up on high, 
where the English standard had stood ; and that 
was the signal of his having conquered, and beaten 
down the standard. And he ordered his tent to be 
raised on the spot among the dead, and had his 
meat brought thither, and his supper prepared 
there. 

But behold, up galloped Galtier GifFart ; " Sire," 
said he, " what are you about ? you are surely not 
fitly placed here among the dead. Many an Eng- 
lishman lies bloody and mingled with the dead, but 
yet sound, or only wounded and besmeared with 
gore ; tarrying of his own accord, and meaning to 
rise at night, and escape in the darkness 8 . They 
would delight to take their revenge, and would sell 



character, probably a bridge of boats. 7 William of 

Poitiers and William of Malmsbury mention three horses, as 
killed under William. William of Poitiers states his prowess 
to have been hailed in songs, as well as verbal applause ; ' plau- 
sibus et dulcibus cantilenis efferebant.' B William of 

fumieges makes it the middle of the night, before William re- 



OF THE CONQUEST. 257 

their lives dearly ; no one of them caring who killed 
him afterwards, if he but slew a Norman first; for 
they say we have done them much wrong. You 
should lodge elsewhere, and let yourself be guard- 
ed by one or two thousand armed men, whom you 
can best trust. Let a careful watch be set this 
night, for we know not what snares may be laid for 
us. You have made a noble day of it, but I like to 
see the end of the work." " Giffart," said the duke, 
" I thank God, we have done well hitherto ; and, 
if such be God's will, we will go on, and do well 
henceforward. Let us trust God for all !" 

Then he turned from Giffart, and took off his ar- 
mour; and the barons and knights, pages and squires 
came, when he had unstrung his shield ; and they 
took the helmet from his head, and the hauberk from 
his back, and saw the heavy blows upon his shield, 
and how his helmet was dinted in. And all greatly 
wondered, and said, " Such a baron (ber) never be- 
strode warhorse, nor dealt such blows, nor did such 
feats of arms ; neither has there been on earth such 
a knight since Rollant and Oliver." 

Thus they lauded and extolled him greatly, and 

turned from the pursuit; though his subsequent expression would 
rather imply daylight : ' ad aream belli regressus, reperit stra- 
gem, quam non absque miseratione conspexit.' 9 Other 

authority supplies the fact that free leave was given, expressly for 
the purpose of seeking and interring the dead ; see William of 
Poitiers, and Benoit de Sainte-More on the same subject. 

S 



258 THE CHRONICLE 

rejoiced in what they saw; but grieving also for 
their friends who were slain in the battle. And the 
duke stood meanwhile among them, of noble stature 
and mien; and rendered thanks to the king of glory, 
through whom he had the victory ; and thanked the 
knights around him, mourning also frequently for 
the dead. And he ate and drank among the dead, 
and made his bed that night upon the field. 

The morrow was Sunday; and those who had slept 
upon the field of battle, keeping watch around, and 
suffering great fatigue, bestirred themselves at break 
of day, and sought out and buried such of the 
bodies of their dead friends as they might find. The 
noble ladies of the land also came, some to seek their 
husbands, and others their fathers, sons, or bro- 

10 Waltiiam Abbey, founded or restored by Harold. Accord- 
ing to William of Poitiers, and Ordericus, the body was brought 
to William ; and being refused to Ghita, Harold's mother, was 
committed to William Malet, to be buried on the sea shore. Wil- 
liam of' Malmsbury has a different account : he says the body was 
given to Ghita, who bore it to Waltham. Perhaps this and other 
variations of the story were subsequent inventions, to suppress the 
dishonourable truth, as to William's revenge. The accounts in 
Benoit, the Brut, and VEstoire de Seint JEdward, are in our 
appendix. The story told in the Waltham MS. (Cott.Jul. D. vi.) 
as to the pious offices of Osgod Cnoppe, and Ailric the childe- 
maister, two of its monks, and the more romantic legend, in Ha- 
rold's life, (Ilarl. MS. 3776),— see our appendix,— are both quoted 
in Palgrave's History of England, 1831 . As to the Editha brought 
to Osgod's aid in discerning the body, and as to her being diffe- 
rent from ' Eddeva pulchra' of Domesday, see Introd. Dom. ii. 79. 



OF THE CONQUEST. 



259 



thers 9 . They bore the bodies to their villages, and 
interred them at the churches ; and the clerks and 
priests of the country were ready, and, at the re- 
quest of their friends, took the bodies that were 
found, and prepared graves and lay them therein. 
King Harold was carried and buried atVarham 10 ; 
but I know not who it was that bore him thither, 
neither do I know who buried him. Many remained 
on the field, and many had fled in the night. 





CHAPTER XXV. 

HOW WILLIAM WAS CROWNED KING ; AND HOW HE 
AT LAST FELL ILL AT ROUEN *. 

[The duke placed a guard in Hastings 2 , from the 
best of his knights, so as to garrison the castle well, 



1 The passage in brackets, to p. 267, is from Benoit de Sainte-More. 
It is introduced here, as well to relieve the baldness of YVace's nar- 
rative after the battle, as because an account of William's progress 
is really necessary, in order to give a just view of his prudent 
policy, in the prosecution of an enterprize obviously still very 
perilous, though crowned with such decisive success. The reader 
may refer to Introd. Domesday, i. 314, for interesting local in- 
formation, deduced from that record, on the subject of William's 
course and progress after landing ; tracing a district on the map 
eastward from about Pevensey, by Bexhill, Crowherst, Holling- 
ton, Guestling, and Icklesham, round by Ledescombe,Wartling- 
ton, and Ashburnham ; thus embracing a circuit of country, near 



262 THE CHRONICLE 

and went thence to Romenel 3 , to destroy it utterly, 
because some of his people had arrived there, I know 
not by what accident, and the false and traitorous 
had killed them by felony. On that account he was 
very wroth against them, and grievously punished 
them for it. 

Proceeding thence, he rested no where till he 
reached Dover, at the strong fort he had ordered to 
be made at the foot of the hill. The castle on the hill 



the centre of which stands Battle. The MS. collections of Mr. 
Hayley of Brightling are there referred to ; and (though perhaps 
rather fanciful in some of their conclusions) may be appropriately 
quoted. ' It is the method of Domesday-book, after reciting the 
particulars relating to each manor, to set down the valuation thereof 
at three several periods ; to wit, — the time of King Edward the 
Confessor, — afterwards when the new tenant entered upon it, — 
and again at the time when the survey was made. Now it is to 
be observed, in perusing the account of the rape of Hastings in 
that book, that in several of the manors therein [Witingoes, Ho- 
lintun, Bexelei, Wilesham, Crohest, Wiltingham, Watlingetone, 
Nedrefelle, Brunham, Haslesse, Wigentone,Wilendone, Salherst, 
Drisnesel, Gestelinges, Luet, Hiham (the scite of Winchelsea), and 
Selescome] at the second of those periods, it is recorded of them 
that they were waste : and from this circumstance I think it may, 
upon good ground, be concluded what parts of that rape were 
marched over by and suffered from the ravages of the two armies 
of the conqueror and king Harold. And indeed the situation of 
those manors is such as evidently shows their then devastated 
state to be owing to that cause. The wasted manors on the east 
were Bexelei, Wilesham, Luet, and Gestelinges; which are all the 
manors entered in the survey along the coast from Bexelei to Win- 
chelsea. And this clearly evinces another circumstance relative 
to the invasion; which is that William did not land his army at 



OF THE CONQUEST. 263 

was well garrisoned, and there all the goods of the 
country round were stored, and all the people had 
collected. The place being well fortified, and being 
out of the reach of any engines, they had made 
ready to defend themselves, and determined to con- 
test the matter with the duke ; and it was so well 
fenced in, and so high, and had so many towers and 
walls, that it was no easy matter to take it, as long 
as provisions should last. 



any one particular spot, at Bulverhithe, or Hastings, as is sup- 
posed ; but at all the several proper places for landing along the 
coast from Bexhill to Winchelsea. After which, in. drawing toge- 
ther towards the place of battle, the left wing of the army just 
brushed the manor of Holinton, so as to lay waste a small por- 
tion, which afterwards fell to the lot of the abbot of Battle ; and 
after quite overrunning the manors of Wiltingham and Crohest, 
arrived at Brunham ; in which, and the adjoining manors of What- 
lington and Nedrefelle, the battle was lost and won. We may like- 
wise trace the footsteps of king Harold's army by the devastations 
which stand upon record in the same book. Where they begin 
we suppose the army entered the county ; and the state of the ma- 
nor of Parkley, in the hundred of Skayswell, points out the place 
in the parish of Tyshurst. They there desolated their way through 
two parcels of land in the same hundred, belonging to the manor 
of Wilendone ; and laying waste Wigzell, Saleherst, and another 
manor in the hundred of Henhurst, with Hiham, and a small 
part of Sadlescombe, in the hundred of Staple, they came to 
Whatlington ; through which, and the manor of Netherfield, they 
extended themselves to face and oppose the invading enemy.' 
2 From Domesday we learn who received the custody of Hast- 
ings : l Rex Will, dedit comiti [de Ow] castellariam de Hastinges.' 
Introd. Domesday, i. 18. 3 Romney. It is not here stated 

whether William's men had been sent from Hastings thither, or 



264 THE CHRONICLE 

The duke held them besieged there eight days ; 
and during that time there were many fierce and 
bold assaults of the men and esquires. But the 
castle guards learnt that however long they might 
hold out, they must expect no succour, for that Ha- 
rold the king was dead, and all the best of the En- 
glish : and thus all saw plainly that the kingdom 
could no longer be defended. They dared not there- 
fore longer keep up the contest, seeing the great loss 
they had sustained, and that do what they would 
it would not avail them long; so being forced by this 
necessity, they surrendered the castle, strong, rich, 
and fair as it was, to the duke, saving only their 
bodies and goods; and made their peace with him, 
all the men of the country swearing fealty to him. 
Then he placed a gallant and brave garrison in the 
castle; and before he parted thence all came to him 
from Cantorbire, both of high and low degree, and 
gave him their oaths and homage, and delivered 
hostages. 

Stiganz was then archbishop of the city, as I read, 
who had greater wealth and more powerful friends 
than any other man of the country. In concert with 
the greatest men of the kingdom, and the sons of 
earl Algar 4 , who could not brook the shame of their 
people being so conquered, and would not suffer a 



whether part of his fleet had gone astray in the voyage, and landed 
there. Domesday says of Dover, ' Tn ipso primo adventu ejus 



OF THE CONQUEST. 265 

Norman to obtain such honour, they had chosen and 
made their lord a knight and gallant youth called 
Addelin 5 , of the lineage of the good king Edward. 
Whether from fear or affection they made him king; 
and they rather chose to die than have for king in 
England one who was a stranger, and had been born 
in another land. 

Towards London repaired all the great men of the 
kingdom, ready to aid and support Addelin in his 
attempt. And the duke, being desirous to go where 
he might encounter the greatest number of them, 
journeyed also to London, where the brave men were 
assembled ready to defend it. Those who were most 
daring issued out of the gates, armed, and on horse- 
back,- manoeuvring against his people, to show how 
little they feared him, and that they would do no- 
thing for him. When the duke saw their behaviour, 
he valued them not sufficiently to arm against them 
more than five hundred of his people. These, lac- 
ing their helmets on, gave the rein to their horses, 
angry and eager for the fray. Then might you see 
heads fly off, and swords cleaving body and ribs of 
the enemy. 

Thus without any pause they drove all back again, 
and many were made prisoners, or lost their lives. 
And they set fire to the houses, and the fire was so 



in Angliam J'uit ipsa villa combusta. 7 * Edwin and Morcar. 

5 Edgar Atheling. 6 Wace had, in narrating Swain's sue- 



266 THE CHRONICLE 

great that all on this side the Thames was burnt 
that day. 

Great grief was there in the city, and much were 
they discomforted. They had lost so much property, 
and so many people, that their sorrow was very 
heavy. Then they crossed the water, some on foot 
and some on horseback, and sought the duke at 
Walengeford,and stayed not till they had concluded 
their peace, and surrendered their castles to him. 
Then the joy of all was great; and archbishop Sti- 
ganz came there, and did fealty to dukeWilliam,and 
so did many more of the realm ; and he took their 
homages and pledges. And Addelin was brought 
there also, whom they had foolishly made king. And 
Stiganz so entreated the duke, that he gave him his 
pardon, and then led all his force to London, to take 
possession of the city ; and neither prince nor people 
came forth against him, but abandoned all to him, 
body, goods, and city, and promised to be faithful 



cess in overrunning England, i. 327, observed upon the facility 
afforded to an invader by the scarcity of fortified posts : 

N'i aveit gaires fortelesce, 

Ne tur de pierre ne bretesce, 

Se n'esteit en vieille cite, 

Ki close fust d'antiquite\ 

Maiz li barunz de Normendie, 

Quant il orent la seignorie, 

Firent chastels e fermetez, 

Turs de pierre, murs e fossez. 
7 Bcnoil goes on to narrate at much greater length the events 



OF THE CONQUEST. 267 

and serve him, and to do his pleasure ; and they 
delivered hostages, and did fealty to him.] 

Then the bishops by concert met at London, and 
the barons came to them ; and they held together a 
great council. And by the common council of the 
clergy, who advised it, and of the barons, who saw 
that they could elect no other 6 , they made the duke 
a crowned king 7 , and swore fealty to him ; and he 
accepted their fealty and homages, and so restored 
them their inheritances. It was a thousand sixty 
and six years, as the clerks duly reckon, from the 
birth of Jesus Christ when William took the crown; 
and for twenty and one years, a half and more af- 
terwards, he was king and duke. 

To many of those who had followed him, and had 
long served him, he gave castles and cities, manors 
and earldoms and lands, and many rents to his va- 
vassors 8 . 

Then he called together all the barons, and as- 



subsequent to the battle. Wace passes very lightly over English 
internal affairs, of which he probably knew and cared little, and 
which were, moreover, foreign to the plan of his work. The Saxon 
Chronicle says of the coronation : * Then on Midwinter day arch- 
bishop Aldred hallowed him to king at Westminster, and gave 
him possession with the books of Christ; and also swore him, ere 
that he would set the crown upon his head, that he would as 
well govern this nation as any king before him best did, if they 
would be faithful to him.' See as to the chronology of William's 
life and age Sir Harris Nicolas's Chronology of History, 279. 
8 In the words of the original, 



268 THE CHRONICLE 

sembled all the English, and put it to their choice, 
what laws they would hold to, and what customs 
they chose to have observed, whether the Norman 
or the English ; those of which lord and which 
king : and they all said, " King Edward's ; let his 
laws be held and kept." They requested to have 
the customs which were well known, and which used 
to be kept in the time of king Edward ; these pleas- 
ed them well, and they therefore chose them : and 
it was done according to their desire 9 , the king con- 
senting to their wish. 



Dona chastels, dona citez, 
Dona maneirs, dona comtez, 
Dona terres, as vavassors 
Dona altres rentes plusors. 

9 By the supposed charter of William in Rymer, he thus declares : 
' This also we command, that all have and hold the law of Ed- 
ward the king in all things, — audactis hiis quas constituimus ad 
utilitatem Anglorum ;' which his son Henry expresses thus : 
' Lagam Edwardi regis vobis reddo, cum illis emendationibus qui- 
bus pater meus earn emendavit, consilio baronum suorum.' See 
the laws of William in the Proofs and Illustrations, p. lxxxix, to 
Palgrave's Rise and Progress of the E?iglish Commonwealth, vol. i. 

10 William went first in March, 1067. It is to be regretted that 
Wace did not avail himself of the glowing description of the wealth 
and splendour of William's retinue, the joy of all classes, the 
universal festival occasioned by his triumphal return to Nor- 
mandy, as contained in William of Poitiers, p. 210. 

11 King William bithougt him also of that folke that was vorlorne, 
And slayn also through him in the battaile biforne ; 

And ther as the bataile was, an abbey he let rere 
Of Seint Martin, for the soules that there slayn were ; 



OF THE CONQUEST. 



269 



He had much labour, and many a war before he 
could hold the land in peace : but troubled as he 
was, he brought himself well out of all in the end. 
He returned to Normandy 10 , and came and went 
backward and forward from time to time, making 
peace here and peace there ; rooting out marauders 
and harassing evil doers. 

Where the battle had been, he built 
an abbey, and put an abbot therein 11 . 

The king of France called on the duke to do ser- 
vice to him for England, as he did for his other fief 



And the monkes well ynough feffed without fayle, 
That is called in Englonde abbey of bataile. 




So far Robert of Glocester. William, speaking for himself in 
his foundation charter in Dugdale's Monasticon, (where see all 
the details of the foundation), gives the following account of his 



270 THE CHRONICLE 

of Normandy; but William answered that he would 
pay him just as much service for England as he had 
received help towards winning it; that the king had 
not assisted him in his enterprize, nor helped him 
in his need ; that he would serve him duly for his 
original fief, but owed him nought for any other ; 
that if the king had helped him, and had taken part 
in the adventure, as he had requested, it might have 
been said that he held England of him : but that 
he had won the land without him, and owed no ser- 
vice for it to any one, save God and the apostle at 
Rome ; and that he would serve none else for it. 

Thus they wrangled together, but they afterwards 
came to an accord ; and the king of France remain- 
ed quiet, making no more demands on William. 
The French, however, often made war upon him and 



motives and proceedings. l Notum facio omnibus, &c. — quod 
cum in Angliam venissem, et in finibus Hastingiae, cum exercitu 
applicuissem contra hostes meos, qui mihi regnum Angliae injuste 
conabantur auferre, in procinctu belli, jam armatus, coram baro- 
nibus et militibus meis, cum favore omnium, ad eorum corda ro- 
boranda, votum feci, ecclesiam quandam ad honorem Dei con- 
struere, pro communi salute, si per Dei gratiam obtinere possem 
victoriam. Quam cum essemus adepti, votum Deo solvens, in 
honorem Sanctae Trinitatis, et beati Martini, confessoris Cbristi, 
ecclesiam construxi ; pro salute animae rneae et antecessoris mei 
regis Eadwardi, et uxoris meae Mathildis reginae, et successorum 
meorum in regno; et pro salute omnium quorum labore et auxilio 
regnum obtinui ; et illorum maximb qui in ipso bello occubue- 
runt.' The Chronicle of Battle Abbey (Cott. MS. Dom. A. ii.) 
is precise as to the localities of the battle. Tt stales that Harold 



OF THE CONQUEST. 271 

annoyed him ; and he defended himself, and attack- 
ed them in return. One day he won, another he 
lost ; as it often chances in war, that he who loses 
on one day gains on the next. 

William was once sojourning at Rouen, where he 
had rested several days; for illness (I know not 
whence arising) pressed upon him, so that he could 
not mount his warhorse, nor bear his arms and take 
the field. The king of France soon heard that he 
was not in a condition to fight, and was in truth in 
bed ; so he sent him word maliciously, that he was 
a long time lying in like a lady, and that he ought 
soon to get up, or he might lie too long. But Wil- 
liam answered him, that he had not laid within too 
long yet ; " Tell him," said he, " that when I get up, 
I will go to mass in his lands, and will make a rich 



came 'ad locum qui nunc Bellum nuncupatur/ — and that Wil- 
liam arrayed himself to oppose him, 'equitum cuneis circum sep- 
tus' — ' ad locum collis qui Hethelande dicitur, a parte Hast- 
ingarum situm.' Hethelande is afterwards mentioned as part of 
the abbey's possessions. In this Chronicle is contained one of 
the most curious historical and legal relics of the twelfth century; 
the record of a suit, as to jurisdiction, between the bishop of Chi- 
chester and the abbot of Battle, which has been printed in Pal- 
grave's Rise and Progress of the English Commonwealth. One 
of the barons present observes of the battle, that William obtained 
his crown by it, ' nosque omnes opulentia maxima ditati sumus.' 
12 This expedition took place at the end of July, 1087. 13 Et 
quia strepitus Rotomagi, quae populosa civitas est, intolerabilis 
erat aegrotanti, extra urbem ipse rex pracepit se aurTeri, ad ec- 
tlesiam Sancti Gervasii, in colle sitam occidentali ; Ordericus 



272 THE CHRONICLE 

offering of a thousand candles. My matches shall 
be of wood, and the points shall blaze with steel in- 
stead of fire." 

This was his message, and when he had recover- 
ed, he accomplished what he had threatened. He 
led into France 12 a thousand armed men with their 
lances set, the points gleaming with steel ; and he 
burnt houses and villages on his route, till the king 
of France could see the blaze. He set fire even to 
Mantes, and reduced the whole place to ashes; so 
that borough, city, and churches were all burnt to- 
gether. But as he passed through the city mounted 
on his favourite horse, it put its foot upon a heap 
of live ashes, and instantly starting back, gave a 
sudden plunge. The king saved himself from fall- 
ing, but wounded himself sorely against the pom- 



Vit. vii. 656. A priory was attached to the church of St. Ger- 
vais, which furnishes probably the oldest ecclesiastical remain in 
Normandy. The crypt, below the apsis represented in the cut at 
the foot of this chapter, is supposed to be Roman, and coeval with 
the earliest introduction of Christianity at Rouen. The apsis it- 
self is probably a re-erection with the original materials, but an- 
terior to Duke William. 14 The anonymous continuer of 
Wace's Brut gives a curious account of William's deliberation, 
at an earlier date, with his barons, as to the future state and for- 
tunes of his sons. He is described as proving the qualities and 
tempers of his sons, by asking each what bird he would choose 
to be, if doomed to assume that form : 

Si Dex, ki est tuit puissant, 

De vus eust fait oisel volant, 

De tuz icels ki pount voler 



OF THE CONQUEST. 273 

mel of the saddle, upon which he was thrown. He 
returned with his men back to Rouen, and took to 
his bed ; and as his malady increased, he caused 
himself to be carried to Saint-Gervais, in order that 
he might be there in greater quiet and ease 13 . 

Then he gave his land to his sons, in order that 
there might be no dispute after his death. He called 
together his barons u , and said, " Listen to me, and 
see that ye understand. Normandy my inheritance, 
where the most of my race are, I give to Robert my 
son, the eldest born ; and so I had settled before I 
came to be king. Moreover I give him Mans. He 
shall have Normandy and Mans, and serve the king 
of France for the same. There are many brave men 
in Normandy ; I know none equal to them. They 
are noble and valiant knights, conquering in all 



Laquelle voldriez resembler ? 
Robert selects the esperver, and William the eagle, but Henry, 
' k'en clergie esteit funde' — ' mult sagement ad parle/ and chose the 
estornele. The whole story forms a curious and interesting apo- 
logue. The ' grantz clers de phylosophie, e los mestres de grant 
clergie, e les sages homes de son poer/ are described as assem- 
bled on this occasion, ' a un parlement;' and the king opens the 
session with a royal speech, perhaps the earliest of the sort on 
record : 

Seignors ! dist il, ki estes ici, 

De vostre venue mult vus merci. 

De voz sens et vostre saver 

Ore endreit en ai mester ; 

Pur ceo vus pri e requer 

K'entre vus voillez traiter, &c. 
T 



274 THE CHRONICLE 

lands whither they go. If they have a good cap- 
tain 15 , a company of them is much to be dreaded ; 
but if they have not a lord whom they fear, and who 
governs them severely, the service they will render 
will soon be but poor. The Normans are worth little 
without strict justice ; they must be bent and bowed 
to their ruler's will ; and whoso holds them always 
under his foot, and curbs them tightly, may get his 
business well done by them. Haughty are they and 
proud ; boastful and arrogant, difficult to govern, 
and requiring to be at all times kept under ; so that 
Robert will have much to do and to provide, in or- 
der to manage such a people. 

" I should greatly desire, if God so pleased, to 



The story forms a distinct fabliau in the MSS. Cotton. Cleop. 
A, xii. 15 Orderic puts the same observation into Wil- 

liam's mouth. History fully proves its justice. 16 This 

confession may, appear to be an odd commentary on the tenor of 
Wace's preceding history of the events leading to the conquest. 
It was perhaps in some quarters unpalatable here, for Duchesne's 
MS. reads directly the opposite i 

' Engletevre ai cunquise a dreit.' 
Orderic gives the confession, but less explicitly, thus : ' Nemi- 
nem Anglici regni constituo haeredem .... Fasces igitur hujus 
regni, quod cum tot peccatis obtinui, nulli audeo tradere nisi 
Deo solo.' See the note on this passage in LyttUions Hen. II. 
vol. i. 397. Possibly William's admission would not, in his day, 
be understood as being at variance with any of the details given 
by Wace and other Norman historians. Harold, as we have seen, 
is treated as assuming with his brother Gurth the perfect moral 
and legal validity of his title as against William, and yet as 



OF THE CONQUEST. 275 

advance my noble and gallant son William. He has 
set his heart upon England, and it may be that he 
will be king there ; but I can of myself do nothing 
towards it, and you well know the reason. I con- 
quered England by wrong 16 ; and by wrong I slew 
many men there, and killed their heirs ; by wrong 
I seized the kingdom, and of that which I have so 
gained, and in which I have no right, I can give 
nought to my son ; he cannot inherit through my 
wrong. But I will send him over sea, and will pray 
the archbishop to grant him the crown ; and if he 
can in reason do it, I entreat that he will make him 
the gift. 

" To Henry my son, the youngest born, I have 



shrinking from a personal contest with one to whom he had de 
facto, though by stratagem, become bound in allegiance. And 
William might, in a similar train of reasoning, maintain all the facts 
asserted by the Normans, bearing on the moral justice of the case 
as between him and Harold, and his personal right to punish 
treason in his man, and yet admit that Harold, having obtained by 
the gift of Edward, and by election and consecration, a strictly 
legal title, his eviction was tortuous, and could give his conqueror 
no right except that of force — none that he could lawfully trans- 
mit. Benoit states his title by conquest, not in the mitigated 
sense in which that word has been used by some of our legal an- 
tiquaries, but in its harshest application : 

Deu regne est mais la seignorie 

As eirs estraiz de Normendie : 

Cunquise I'unt cum chevalier 

Au fer trenchant e al acier. 
His account of William's speech is in our appendix. 



276 



CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 



given five thousand livres, and have commanded 
both William and Robert, my other sons, that each, 
according to his power, will, as he loves me, make 
Henry more rich and powerful than any other man 
who holds of them." 





CHAPTER XXVI. 

HOW WILLIAM DIED, AND WAS BURIED AT CAEN. 

William lay ill six weeks; his sickness was heavy 
and increased. He made confession of his sins to 
the bishops and abbots, and the tonsured priests, 
and afterwards received the corpus domini. He 
dispossessed himself of his wealth, devising and 



278 THE CHRONICLE 

apportioning it all : and caused his prisoners to be 
set free, giving them quittance of all claims. His 
brother Odo the bishop he also set at liberty ; which 
he would not have done so soon, if he had thought 
he should live. He had arrested him in the Isle of 
Wic \ and brought him and put him in prison at 
Rouen. He was said to be crafty and rapacious be- 
yond all bounds ; and when seneschal to the king, 
he was so cruel and treacherous to every one, that 
all England complained, rich and poor together. 
He had privily consulted his friends as to whether 
a bishop could be king, hoping to succeed should 
William die first ; for he trusted in his great power, 
and the multitude of the followers that he had at- 
tached to himself by his large words and foolish 
boasts, and by the promises he made. The king 
therefore thought very ill of him, and held him in 
great suspicion. 

When he had ordered him to be seized, for not 
rendering his account of the revenue that he had 
collected in England while he held it for the king, 
there was no baron who would touch him, or durst 
put forth his hand against him. Then the king him- 
self sprang boldly forward, and seized him by the 
' ataches/ and drew him forth out of the circle of 
his friends; " I arrest thee,'' said he, "I arrest thee.'' 
" You do me wrong," said Odo; "lama bishop 

1 Wight. 



OF THE CONQUEST. 279 

and bear crozier, and you ought not to lay hand on 
me." "By my head," quoth the king, "but I ought; 
I will seize the earl of Kent my bailiff and steward, 
who has not accounted to me for my kingdom that 
he has held." Thus was the bishop put in custody, 
and so remained for four years; for the ship was 
ready and the wind fair, and he was put on board, 
and carried by sea to Rouen, and kept in the tower 
there four years, and was not like to come out thence 
till the king should die. 

On the morn of the eighth day of September the 
king died, and left this world as the hour of prime 2 
struck ; he heard it well, and asked what it was 
that was striking. Then he called upon God as far 
as his strength sufficed, and on our holy Lady, the 
blessed Mary, and so departed, while yet speaking, 
without any loss of his senses or change in speech. 

Many a feat of arms had he done ; and he had 
lived sixty and four years; for he was only seven 
years old when duke Robert took the cross and 
went to Jerusalem. 

At the time when the king departed this world, 
many of his servants were to be seen running up 
and down, some going in, others coming out, carry- 
ing off the rich hangings and the tapestry, and what- 
ever they could lay their hands upon. One whole 
day elapsed before the corpse was laid upon the 

2 IIoha PRIMA, six in the morning. 



280 THE CHRONICLE 

bier; for they who were before wont to fear him, 
now left him lying alone. 

But when the news spread, much people gathered 
together, and bishops and barons came in long pro- 
cession ; and the body was well tended, opened, 
anointed, embalmed, and carried to Caen as he had 
commanded. There was no bishop in the province, 
nor abbot, earl, or noble prince, who did not repair 
to the interment of the body, if he could ; and there 
were besides many monks, priests, and clerks. 

When they had duly arranged the body, they 
sang aloud ' libera me.' They carried it to the 
church 3 , but the bier was yet outside the door when 
behold ! a cry was heard which alarmed all the peo- 
ple, that the town was on fire ; and every one rushed 
thither, save the monks who remained by the body. 
When the fire was quenched the people returned 
back, and they took the body within the church ; 
and the clerks did their office, and all with good 
will chaunted ' requiem eternam.' 

While they were yet engaged in preparing the 
grave where the corpse was to lie, and the bishops 
and the barons stood around, lo ! a vavassor, whose 
name was Acelin, the son of Arthur, came running 
and burst through the throng. He pressed boldly 
forward, and mounted aloft upon a stone, and turned 



3 The church of the abbey of St. Stephen, which has been 
mentioned before, p. 63 and 04, as founded by William, at the 



OF THE CONQUEST. 281 

towards the bier and appealed to the clerks and bi- 
shops, while all the people gazed upon him. "Lords," 
cried he aloud, " hearken unto me ! I warn all and 
forbid ye, by Jesu the almighty, and by the apostle 
of Rome — by greater names I cannot adj ure ye — that 
ye inter not William in the spot where ye are about 
to lay him. He shall not commit trespass on what 
is my right, for the greater part of this church is my 
right and of my fee, and I have no greater right in 
any of my lands. I neither sold nor pledged it, for- 
feited it, nor granted it away. He made no contract 
with me, and I received no price for it from him. 
By force he took it from me, and never afterwards 
offered to do me right. I appeal him therefore by 
name, that he do me right, in that judgment where 
all alike go, before him who lieth not. Before ye 
all I summon him by name, that he on that day 
render me justice for it !" 

When he had said this, he came down. Forth- 
with arose great clamour in the church, and there 
was such tumult that no one could hear the other 
speak. Some went, others came; and all marvelled 
that this great king, who had conquered so much, 
and won so many cities, and so many castles, could 
not call so much land his own as his body might lie 
within after death. 



same period as that of the Trinity was founded by his queen 
Matilda. 4 Ordcric explains that this price was only for the 



282 CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST. 

But the bishops called the man to them, and ask- 
ed of the neighbours, whether what he had said 
were true ; and they answered that he was right ; 
that the land had been his ancestors' from father to 
son. Then they gave him money, to waive his claim 
without further challenge. Sixty sols gave they to 
him, and that price he took, and released his claim 
to the sepulchre where the body was placed. And 
the barons promised him that he should be the bet- 
ter for it all the days of his life 4 . Thus Acelin was 
satisfied, and then the body was interred. 



mere grave ; the promise of future benefit appearing there to be 
realized by the subsequent purchase of all the ground claimed 
by Ascelin. We add that historian's oratorical summary of the 
striking circumstances attending the conqueror's death and inter- 
ment. ' Non fictilem tragcediam venundo ; non loquaci comce- 
dia cachinnantibus parasitis faveo : sed studiosis lectoribus varios 
eventus veraciter intimo. Inter prospera patuerunt adversa, ut 
terrerentur terrigenarum corda. Rex quondam potens et bellico- 
sus, multisque populis per plures provincias metuendus, in area 
jacuitnudus, eta suis, quos genuerat vel aluerat, destitutus. iEre 
alieno in funebri cultu indiguit, ope gregarii pro sandapila et 
vespilionibus conducendis eguit, qui tot hactenus et superfluis 
opibus nimis abundavit. Secus incendium a formidolosis vectus 
est ad Basilicam,liberoque solo, qui tot urbibus et oppidis et vicis 
principatus est, caruit ad sepulturam. Arvina ventris ejus tot 
delectamentis enutrita cum dedecore patuit, et prudentes ac infru- 
nitos, qualis sit gloria carnis, edocuit.' Benoit paraphrases these 
reflections more poetically than is usual with him. 



CONCLUSION 

king william's character, from the saxon 
chronicle *. 




LAS ! how false and how unrest- 
ing is this earth's weal ! He 
that before was a rich king, and 
lord of many lands, had then of 
all his lands but seven feet 
space ; and he that was whilom 
clad with gold and gems, lay 
there overspread with mould ! 
If any one wish to know what man- 
ner of man he was, or what worship he 
had, or of how many lands he were the lord, 
then will we write of him, as we have known 
him ; for we looked on him, and somewhile 
dwelt in his herd 5 . 



4 The Saxo?i chronicle?*, who had frequented the Conqueror's 
court, furnishes us with a cotemporary portrait. It is less flat- 
tering than that of the Norman poet, but forms a suitable commen- 
tary and conclusion. In our translation the phraseology, and 
generally the very words, of the original are retained. 5 Court. 



284 THE CHRONICLE 

This king William that we speak about was a very 
wise man, and very rich ; more worshipful and 
stronger than any his foregangers were. He was 
mild to the good men that loved God, and beyond 
all metes stark to those who withsaid his will. On 
that same stede where God gave him that he should 
win England, he reared a noble minster, and set 
monks there and well endowed it. 

Eke he was very worshipful. Thrice he bore his 
king-helm 6 every year, as oft as he was in England. 
At Easter he bore it at Winchester ; at Pentecost at 
Westminster; at midwinter at Glocester. And then 
were with him all the rich men over all England ; 
archbishops and diocesan bishops ; abbots and 
earls; thanes and knights. Truly he was eke so stark 
a man and wroth, that no man durst do any thing 

6 Crown. 7 Peace. 8 This is an allusion to Domes- 

day Book, which had been more fully described in a previous 
part of the Saxon Chronicle, and probably by another hand. 
The description of that document by the continuer of Waccs 
Brut is as follows : 

— volenters voleit saver 

D'Engletere la tenor, 

E la laise e la longnur, 

Toz les feez e les tenemenz 

E les servises de tote genz, 

Quant de conteez i sunt trove 

E quant de viles en chascon conte, 

Quant de barons la terre avoit 

E cumbien de terre chascon tenoit, 

Quanz de feez dc chevaliers 



OF THE CONQUEST. 285 

against his will. He had earls in his bonds,who had 
done against his will. Bishops he set off their bishop- 
rics; and abbots off their abbacies; and thanes in pri- 
sons. And at last he did not spare his brother Odo; 
him he set in prison. Betwixt other things we must 
not forget the good frith 7 that he made in this land ; 
so that a man that was worth aught might travel over 
the kingdom with his bosom full of gold unhurt. 
And no man durst slay another man, though he 
had suffered never so mickle evil from the other. 

He ruled over England, and by his cunning he 
so thoroughly surveyed it, that there was never a 
hide of land in England that he wist not both who 
had it, and what its worth was ; and he set it 
down in his writ 8 . Britland^ was under his weald, 
and therein he wrought castles. And he wielded 

E cumbien de franc -fermers, 

Les serganties e les sokages, 

Les petiz sokemen e les vilenages ; 

Cumbien des charues en chascon vile, 

E leant de boueez en la charue ; 

Cumbien de terre chascon home avoit, 

E en quele manere il la tenoit, 

E quel servise faire devoit, 

E quei sa terre valer purreit. 

Tuit ensemble fist enquerre 

Par serement par mie la terre, 

Od grant diligenz ceo fist escrivre 

E de ceo en fist un grant livre. 

Le livre est Domesday apele 

E en la tresorie le roi uncore guarde. 



286 THE CHRONICLE 

Mann-cynn 10 withal. Scotland he subdued by his 
mickle strength. Normandy was his by kin ; and 
over the earldom that is called Mans he ruled. And 
if he might have lived yet two years, he had won 
Ireland by his worship 11 , and without any armament. 

Truly in his time men had mickle swinking, and 
very many hardships. He let castles be wrought, 
and poor men to be sorely swinked. The king was 
so very stark ; and he took from his subjects many 
marks of gold, and many hundred pounds of silver: 
and that he took of his people, some by right, and 
some by mickle unright, for little need. He had fallen 
into covetousness, and greediness he loved withal. 

The king and the head men loved much and over 
much the getting in of gold and silver; and recked 
not how sinfully it was got, so it but came to them. 
He let his lands to fine as dear as he dearest might. 
Then came some and bade more than the first had 
given ; and the king let it to him that bade more. 
Then came a third, and bade yet more; and the king- 
let it to the man who bade the most. Nor did he reck 
how sinfully his reeves got money of poor men, or 
how unlawfully they did. But the more men talked 
of right law, the more they did against law. 

He set many deer-friths; and he made laws there- 
with, that whosoever should slay hart or hind, him 

9 Wales. 10 The Isle of Man ? " The fame of his strength. 
12 Reserved to himself, or forbade others, the slaying of the harts. 



OF THE CONQUEST. 287 

man should blind. And as he forbade the 12 harts, 
so eke did he the boars. He loved the high deer 
as much as if he were their father. Eke he set as 
to the hares, that they should go free. His rich men 
bemoaned it, and the poor men murmured, but he 
was so firm that he recked not the hatred of them all ; 
and they must withal follow the king's will, if they 
would live, or have lands or goods, or his favour. 

Wa-la-wa ! that any man should be so moody, so 
to upheave himself, and think himself above all other 
men I May almighty God have mild-heartedness 
on his soul, and give him forgiveness of his sins ! 

These things we have written of him, both good 
and evil, that men may choose the good after their 
goodness ; and withal flee from evil, and go on the 
way that leadeth us to Heaven's kingdom. 




APPENDIX 



APPENDIX 

OF 

ADDITIONAL NOTES AND CORRECTIONS. 



Page 14. The position of Folpendant is shown on ancient 
maps, north of Harcourt. It is certainly a little removed from the 
river, the Orne; but Wace's phrase does not necessarily imply 
immediate contact. He probably meant that they crossed the river 
about, or near, or opposite Folpendant. 

Page 44. Town of Arches, in line 13, should be Tower. 

Page 60. The translation is not precisely correct as to the 
causes of loss and of the rupture of the bridge at Varavile ; in- 
stead of the water, (in the last line,) read the sea or tide. 

Page 71. A century before the revival and enrichment of the 
abbey of Westminster by Edward, its church was rich enough to 
boast an organ, that required seventy strong men to keep its 
twenty-six bellows in action. The following description of this 
unwieldy machine is quoted (from Ducange) in the Mem. dea 
Antiq. Norm. vol. i. 673, from a latin poem of Wolstan, a monk 
of Westminster. 

Bisseni supra sociantur in ord'mef olles, 
Inferiusque jacent quatuor atque decern : 
Quos agitant valid i septuaginta viri, 
Brachia versantes, multo et sudore madentes. 
Certatimque suos quisque movet socios, 
Yiribus ut totis impellant flamina sursum, 



290 APPENDIX. 

Et rugiat pleno capsa referta sinu, 

Sola quadragintas quae sustinet ordine musas. 

Page 79. The livre here seems to mean the pound weight 
of silver. 

Page 83. Benoit de Sainte-Mores account of Harold's oath 
and agreement with duke William : 

Si josta li dux son concile, 
Ce sui lisant, a Bone vile. 
La fu li serremenz jurez, 
Que Heraut meisme a devisez, 
Que tant cum Ewart vivreit mais 
Le regne li tendreit en pais, 
Selon sa force, au suen poeir, 
Senz fausser et senz deceveir ; 
E apres qu'il sereit feniz, 
Ci que del regne fust saisiz, 
Li tendreit vers toz homes nez 
De ci qu'il i fust coronez; 
E des ceu jor en avant 
L'en sera mais partot aidant; 
Douvre, la tor e le chastel, 
Si fort cum il est e si bel, 
Baillera sempres bien garniz 
E de vitaille repleniz 
A ceus des suens qui lui plaira, 
Qu'il a garder i trametra ; 
E s'aillors vout chasteaus fermer 
Desus le rivage de mer, 
Despense e vivre e estoveir, 
Trovera tot de son aveir. 
Eissi sor tot le saintuaire 
Qu'om li vout aporter ne traire 
Jura de sa main a tenir, 
Senz rien fausser e senz guenchir. 

E li dux, por lui mieuz aveir 
Senz fousser e Senz deceveir 



APPENDIX. 291 

E senz muer vers lui corage, 
Aeliz la proz e la sage, 
Sa fille, li ottreie e done, 
Quant saisiz ert de la corone, 
E del regne une meitie. 
Mult en vout cil baisier le pie. 
Iteux furent lor covenanz. 

Page 98. For Easter should be read Noel (Christmas). 
Bawit de Sainte-More's account of the messages between Harold 
and William is as follows: 

A Heraut tramist ses messages, 

Vaillanz e bien apris e sages ; 

Si li manda qu'il aveit fait, 

Kar ce li ert dit e retrait 

Que la corone aveit saisie; 

Mais ne feist teu felonie, 

Car tote genz saveit assez 

Cum li regnes li ert donez. 

II meesmes tot premerain 

Li asseura de sa main. 

Ne se parjurt ne se desleit ; 

Mais rende-li, si cum il deit, 

L'onor, le regne e la corone 

Que dreitore e raison li done ; 

Kar sache bien, si n'en dot mie, 

Tant cum li seit eu cors la vie, 

N'aura repos mais ne sejor 

Ci que saisiz seit del honor. 

Icist messages li fu faiz 

E diz e contez e retraiz ; 

Mais mult li respondi petit 

Fors orguil, contraire e despit ; 

Ainz ceus qui od lui se tenissent 

E voluntiers li recoillissent, 

Coveneit doner seurtances 

E fers ostages e tenances. 



292 APPENDIX. 

Page 101. Benoit de Sainte-Mores account of the council 
of Norman barons : 

Cel ovraigne fist a saveir 
A ses evesques hauz letrez, 
E a ses chers barons privez, 
Que li furent ami feeil, 
E que il sout de haut conseil. 

Roberz, li quens de Moretoin, 
Qui unt de malveiste n'out soing, 
Sis bons freres verais e cerz, 
E li quens d'Ou, li proz Roberz, 
Li quens d'Evereus, li sachanz, 
Richarz li proz e li vaillanz, 
E de Beaumunt li quens Rogers, 
Qui mult ert saives chevaliers, 
E Roger de Mungumeri, 
N'est dreiz que lui vos en obli, 
E Guillaume le fiz Osber, 
Qui puis li out maint grant mester, 
E Huges, li vesquens, li proz. 
Icist, si cum je's vos nom toz, 
Li conseillierent e loerent, 
E tuit enfin s'i accorderent, 
Que il feist Heraut requerre 
De la corone e de la teire, 
Saveir e aprendre e oir 
Cum il s'en voudra contenir ; 
E, son ce qu'il en respondra, 
Solom ice se contendra ; 
Ses messages tost li tramete 
E taut dementres s'entremete 
De faire assembler la navie 
De par trestote Normendie ; 
Semunge veisins e amis 
E ecus qui a lui sunt sozmis, 
Que teus apareiz e si granz 
Ne fu jostez mais par Normanz, 



APPENDIX. 293 

N'ovre el siecle si envaie 
Que ci seit lor morz ou lor vie. 

Page 115. Benoit de Saijite-More's account of the apostolic 
grant to duke William : 

L'apostoile se fist mult liez 
Dunt si s'esteit humiliez ; 
Apostolial ottreiance, 
Son le poeir de sa puissance, 
L'en comanda e vout e dist 
E par ses lettres li escrist 
Que del conquerre ne se feigne ; 
Od tot li tramist une enseigne 
De saint Pere, por demostrer 
Qu'a ce li volent ajuer. 
Autorite sera e feiz 
Que c'est sa corone e sis dreiz 
Qu'il vout conquerre : si'n auront 
Tuit cil qui oue lui seront 
Partot mult maire seurtance 
Que ne lor vienge meschaance. 

Pace 115. The parallel accounts of the comet in Wace, Be- 
noit, and Gaimar, are as follow : 

Wage. 

El terme ke co estre dut 
Une esteile grant apparut, 
E quatorze jors resplendi. 
Od tres Ions rais deverz midi; 
Tele esteile solt Ten veir 
Quant novel rei deit regne aveir. 
Asez vi homes ki la virent, 
Ki ainz e poiz lunges veskirent : 
Comete la deit apeler 
Ki des esteiles volt parler. 



294 APPENDIX. 



Benoit. 



Dune en ces jorz si fakement 
Aparut sus el firmament, 
Une clartez e un planete, 
Une resplendisanz comete, 
Dunt en eisseient trei grant rai. 
Ce lis e truis e vei e sai 
Que quinze nuiz durerent bien. 
Si distrent astrenomien 
Que e'ert de regnes muemenz 
Ou de reis ou de hautes genz. 

Gaimar. 

Apres lur mort une comete, 
Une estoille, dont li prophete 
Et li bon astronomien, 
Sievent qespeant mal ou bien, 
Se demustra el firmament ; 
Assez la yirent meinte gent. 
La nuit de Letanie majour 
Fist tel clarte cum se fust jour. 
Moult plusours homes l'esgarderent : 
Chascuns disoit sa divinaille; 
Mes tost seurent la grant contraille, 
E la grant tribulacion 
Qe prius avint a la region. 

Page 118. Benoifs account of leaders particularly distin- 
guished at Hastings : 

A eel estor, a eel content, 

Dunt ci vos di e dunt je vos cont, 

Robert fiz Roger de Beaumunt 

Vos di qui fu teus chevaliers, 

Si proz, si hardiz e si fiers 

E si aidanz que ceste istoire 

I\le fait de lui mult grant nu'moire. 



APPENDIX. 295 

Mult redelivrent forz les places 
II e ses genz quens Eustaces. 
Si n'a duree acer ne fer 
Vers Guillaume le fiz Osber, 
Qu'Engleis ateigne si garniz 
De la mort ne puisse estre fiz. 
Chevaliers i est forz e durs 
E sage e sofranz e seurs ; 
E li bons visquens de Toarz 
N'i est ne mauvais ne coarz, 
Qui ert apele Eimeris ; 
Mult i recut le jor grant pris. 
Gauter Gifart, savum de veir, 
Qui out le jor grant estoveir, 
Qu'abatuz fu de son destrier 
Eissi que cine cenz chevalier 
Des lor 1'aveient ja outre, 
Toz ert li secors oublie, 
Quant li bons dux de Normendie 
Od l'espee d'acer forbie 
L'ala secorre e delivrer 
E faire sempres remonter. 
En si fait lieu n'iert mais retiait 
Que tel esforz cum ceu seit fait 
Par un prince qui au munt vive. 
Nus ne content ne nus n'estrive 
Que le pris n'en fust suens le jor 
De la bataille e del estor; 
Poi out de mort crieme e regart 
A rescorre Gauter Gifart. 
N'en i r'out gaires de plus buens 
Qui fu le jor Hues li quens, 
E Guillaume cil de Warenne 
R'ida a conquerre le regne 
Cum buens chevalers e hardiz. 

Page 119. The wonders of the forest of lkecheliant may be 



296 APPENDIX. 

found in the extracts from the Chevalier au Lion, and the Roman 
de Brun de la Montague, printed in M. le Rouxde Lincy's Livre 
des Legendes, vol. i. page 225 and 260. 

Page 135. Benoit's account of the commencement of Tosti's 
expedition : 

Un frere aveit Heraut puisnez, 
Qui Tostis esteit apelez. 
Ne truis pas bien apertement 
Por qu'il erent si malement. 
Au due s'en ert Tostis venu, 
Qui mult Taveit gent receu 
E chers tenuz e honorez 
E ses riches aveirs donez. 
Chevaliers ert e bons vassaus, 
Prozdom e entiers e leiaus ; 
Merveilles out grant desier 
D'aler son frere guerreier, 
De tolir chasteaus e citez ; 
Kar trop s'ert vers lui maumenez, 
Mult volentiers e bonement, 
Od le haut conseil de sa gent, 
Li quist li dux tot estoveir, 
Nefs, gens, armes a son voleir. 
Eissi corut a grant esforz 
Vers Engleterre dreit as porz. 

Page 136. BenoiVs account of the private advice given to 
William from England : 

Un produem riche e assazez 
Qui de Normendie esteit nez, 
Mais en cele terre maneit, 
Ou richement se conteneit ; 
Certainement, de veir, senz faille, 
Sout cum il ert de la bataille 
Ou Heraut out son frere occis. 
Un mult seur messages a pris, 



APPENDIX. 297 



Si'l tramist au due erraument. 
A desseu de tote gent, 
Dist-li qu'il ert e dunt veneit 
E qui a lui le trameteit ; 
Apres li a l'ovre contee 
Que sis sire li out mandee, 
Coment Heraut s'ert combatuz 
Qui ceus de Norwege out vencuz, 
E ocis son frere e le rei 
E ceus qu'il amena od sei, 
Ou plus aveit de vint milliers. 
De la retorne forz e fiers, 
Od plus a de cent mile armez. 
Od poples teus ne fu jostez. 
" De tei trover unt teu desir 
Ja n'i cuident a tens venir. 
Gart, pren conseil, ne t'asseure, 
Kar perillose est l'ovre e dure. 
Tant as eu honor e pris, 
C^ar qu'or ne seies entrepris, 
Ne de haster pas de combatre 
De metre ta gent ne d'embatre 
En leu par trop fol ovre en prise 
Ou ele seit morte e occise, 
Ne tu abaissiez ne periz." 
" Amis, fait li dux, granz merciz 
Bien fist ton seignor del mander 
E bien en fait a merrier; 
Mais tant li di que je li mant. 
Qui damne-Deu trait a garant, 
Qui il conduit e tient e maine, 
Qui juste cause a dreite e sainc, 
En liu d'aveir, honor e gloire, 
Valor e puissance e victoire, 
Deit bien aveir, s'en lui a fei. 
Tot eissi le quit-je de mei, 
Kar j'ai dreit e mun dreit demant 
E lui trai partot a garant. 



298 APPENDIX. 

Si'l conquerra; kar contre lui 
N'a nus ne force ne refui, 
Valor, defense ne poeir. 
Or seit del tot au suen voleir. 

Page 145. The following is the legend referred to in the note, 
as contained in the continuation of Wace's Brut d'Augleterre, as 
to Harold's employment on the morning of the battle. The proper 
version, however, of the story ought obviously to lay the scene at 
Waltham, and consequently at an earlier date. It is so told, in 
fact, in the Waltham legends, — Cott MSS. Jul. D. vi. and 
Ilarleian, No. 3776. 

Li rois, ki mult fu travaille, 

La nuit se est repose ; 

Par matin se est leve, 

Sa messe oi'r est ale, 

Assez pres a un moster 

Son chapelain fist chanter. 

Quant li prestres out sacre 

E la pater noster chante, 

Este-vus ke vient la crie : 

" Le dux sur nus vient arme !" 

Li rois, ki oi la crie, 

Durement estoit aflfrae ; 

De la messe tantost se mist, 

As armes corut sanz respit. 

Si le agxus dei eust atendu 

E la pais eust receu, 

Par pais eust la terre tenu, 

U par bataille le dux vencu. 

Quant il issit del moster, 

La croiz, ke fu fait de pcre, 

Aprcs le rois ad encline 

C'onques puis la teste leve*. 

Ki ke volt ceo saver, 

A Walteham, ultre le halt auter, 

Meimes eel croiz puna trover 

E roi Haraud gisant en quer. 



APPENDIX. 299 

Page 177. As to the English standard see below, additional 
note to p. 252. 

Page 191. Benoit's account of Taillefer's exploits : 

Uns Taillefer, ce dit l'escriz, 
I aveit mult grant pris conquis ; 
Mais il i fu morz e occis. 
Tant esteit grant sis hardemenz 
Qu'en mi les presses de lor genz 
Se colout autresi seur 
Cume s'il i fust clos de mur; 
E puis qu'il out plaies mortex, 
Puis i fu-il si proz e teus 
Que chevalier de nul parage 
N'i fist le jor d'eus teu damage. 

Gaimar's version of the story is as follows: 

Quant les escheles furent rengees 
Et de ferir apparaillees, 
Mult i out genz d'ambes dous parz ; 
De hardement semblent leoparz. 
Un des Francois done se hasta, 
Devant les autres chevaucha. 
Talifer ert cil appellez, 
Juglere hardi estait assez ; 
Armes avoit et bon cheval, 
Si ert hardiz et noble vassal. 
Devant les autres cil se mist, 
Devant Englois merveilles fist ; 
Sa lance prist par le tuet 
Si com ceo fust un bastonet, 
Encontremont halt l'engetta 
Et par le fer receue l'a. 
.Iij. fois issi getta sa lance, 
La quarte foiz puis s'avance, 
Entre les Englois la launca, 
Par mi le cors un en navera, 



300 APPENDIX. 

Puis trest s'espee, arere vint, 
Et getta l'espee qu'il tint, 
Encontremont haut le receit. 
L'un dit al autre, qi ceo veit, 
Qe ceo estoit enchantement. 
Cil se fiert devant la gent 
Quant .iij. foiz out gette l'espee. 
Le cheval ad la goule baee, 
Vers les Englois vint eslesse. 
Auquanz quident estre mange 
Pur le cheval q'issi baout. 
Li jugleour enpres venout, 
Del espee fiert un Engleis, 
Le poign li fet voler maneis ; 
Un autre ferit tant cum il pout, 
Mau guerdon le jour en out ; 
Car li Englois de totes parz 
Li launcent gavelocs et darz, 
Si l'occistrent et son destrer : 
Mar demanda le coup primer. 

Page 210. Greater authority should, perhaps, be assigned to 
the Bee record, from the fact that the author of part of it was one 
of the family, namely, Milo Crespin, cantor Becci, probably be- 
fore 1150. 

Page 21 1 . The pedigree of the Roumares, and their illustrious 
connections, is now fully elucidated, in correction of Dugdale, &;c. 
by Mr. Stapleton, in Bowles's History of' Lacock Abbey. Wace 
lived in the time of all three of the Williams. The second died 
in 1152, before his father the earl, who made a pilgrimage to St. 
James. Both Roger (or more properly Robert) and his father 
Ceroid the dapifer, were living at the conquest. Robert is the 
Robertus filius Giroldi of Domesday, then possessor of Corfe 
Castle. 

Page 213. In the Atlas to vol. viii. of Memoires des Anti- 
quuires Norm, there are two seals of Fulks D'Aunou, from char- 



APPENDIX. 301 

ters to the abbey of Gouffern. In the first, of the twelfth cen- 
tury, the name is written Fulconis de Alnuio; in the second, 
of the thirteenth century, it stands Fulconis Dni de Alneto, 
militis. 

Page 213. See the descent of Tancarville, in common with 
that of Roumare, elucidated by Mr. Stapleton's evidence in 
Bowles's Hist, of Lacock Abbey, p. 69. 

Page 221 — 236. See considerable information as to the fa- 
mily of Vitre in the Hist, of Lacock, p. 264. 

Page 222. The Epinay here referred to must clearly be Epi- 
nay-Tesson, arrondissement of Bayeux. Our reference to Hardy's 
Rot. Norm, should be to p. 16, as quoted before at p. 208. 

Page 227. As to Brix and Bruis, see further Mr. Stapleton, 
in Bowles's Hist, of Lacock Abbey, p. 76. 

Page 231. Robert de Oilgi and Roger de Ivri furnish an in- 
stance of the sworn brotherhood in arms, which occurs among the 
early Normans; see Introd. Domesday, i. 458. Eudo filius 
Spirewic, the ancestor of the Tateshalls, is another well known 
example. He fraternized with Pinco ; and they received a joint 
reward, comprising the barony of Tateshall in Lincolnshire. 

Page 232. The families holding Sap and Gloz figure repeat- 
edly in Orderic. Vital, who was their neighbour at St. Evroult. 
William de Gloz, the dapifer, is an important person in Orderic's 
strange story (lib. viii. 695.) of the monk who saw the ghosts of 
the evil doers suffering their penances. 

Page 234. For Werlene, read Werlenc. 

Page 237. In the sixth line of the notes Dunfront should be 
Domfront ; and in the ninth line for and, read who. 

Page 244. See the quotation above, in this appendix, in re- 
ference to page 118. 



302 APPENDIX. 

Page 252. The Bayeux Tapestry exhibits, — both as borne aloft 
near Harold and also as lying by his feet, — a curious sort of ensign, 
standard, or military ornament, apparently representing a dragon. 
The cross generally appears on its Norman gonfanons. It may 
be here noticed that Wace, vol. i. p. 201, mentions that the gon- 
fanon borne by the baron appointed to lead the Normans in 945 
under Richard I. was ' vermeille d'Espagne.' 

Page 254. Benoifs account of the result of the battle : 
Ainz que partist icil tooilz, 
Fu reis Heraut morz abatuz, 
Par mi les deus costez feruz 
De treis granz lances acerees, 
E par le chef de dous espees 
Qui entrerent jusqu'as oreilles 
Que les plantes en out vermeilles. 

In L'Estoire de Seint Edward we only find, 

Li rois feruz en l'oil d'unt dart 

Chet e tost est defulez, 

Periz, ocist e adirez ; 

E sun estandart abatuz, 

E li ostz d'Engleiz vencuz ; 

E murut i quens Gruith si frere, 

E quens Leuwine. 

Page 258. BenoiCs account of Harold's interment : 

Li reis Heraut fu seveliz ; 
E si me retrait li escriz 
Que sa mere por lui aveir 
Vout au due doner grant aveir ; 
Mais n'en vout unques dener prendre 
Ne por riens mile le cors rendre; 
Mais a un Guillaume Malet, 
Qui n'ert tosel pas ne vaslet, 
Mais chevaliers durs e vaillanz. 
I cist Ten fu tant depreianz 



APPENDIX. 303 

Qu'il li dona a enfo'ir 
La ou li vendreit a plaisir. 

The continuer of Wace's Brut says : 

Ki ke volt ceo saver 
A Walteham, ultre le haut auter, 
Meimes eel croiz purra trover, 
E roi Harau gisant en quer ; 

and afterwards, 

Heraud a Walteham fa porte 
Ilokes gist enterre. 
The following is the account in UEstoire de Seint JEdward le rei : 

Le cors le roi Haraud unt quis 
E truve entre les ocis ; 
E pur co ke il rois esteit, 
Grante est k'enterrez seit. 
Par la priere sa mere, 
Porte fu le cors en bere, 
A Wautham est mis en carcu ; 
Kar de la maisun fundur fu. 

The life of Harold in the Harl. MSS. 3776, will, we believe, 
be given in the Chroniques Avglo-Normandes, now publishing at 
Rouen. It is a very interesting story; though, as to the tale it 
records of Harold's escape, we may say with Knyghton, 'de ista 
opinione natqualiter potent.' It may be worth while to quote the 
following summary of that part of the legend which relates to this 
subject. " Harold was thought by his companions to be mortally 
wounded, and was, to all appearance, dead ; but when the field 
of battle was examined,by some women searching for their friends, 
it was discovered that life still lingered in the body. By the care 
of two English franklins he was removed to Winchester, where 
his wounds were healed by the surgical skill of a certain cunning 
woman of oriental extraction ; and, during two long years, he re- 
mained in concealment in an obscure dwelling. With the return 
of his wonted strength of body and energy of mind, a melancholy 

X 



304 APPENDIX. 

spectacle presented itself to him. He saw his kingdom under the 
dominion of a foreign enemy ; he noticed the firmness with which 
the policy and courage of William had established him on the 
throne; and he everywhere marked the wide-spreading ramifica- 
tions of the feudal system; attaching, by military tenure and self- 
interest, a sturdy Norman holder to each rood of subjugated En- 
gland. His nobles were now petty franklins ; his subjects were 
hereditary bondsmen. They had lost much of that independence 
of spirit which is born and dies with liberty ; and they were con- 
tented hewers of wood, and drawers of water, for their new masters. 
They had made no effort to throw off the yoke which had been 
placed on their necks; town after town, and county after county, 
had submitted without opposition; and William, the conqueror 
of England, was now its crowned and acknowledged sovereign. 
Harold saw that foreign assistance was necessary, ere he could 
hope to redeem his country from the bondage of the invaders. 
His first attempt was to obtain aid from Saxony : in this he was 
unsuccessful. Thence he proceeded to Denmark, but found that 
a mission from William had secured the good graces, or, at least, 
the neutrality of that kingdom. The bitter disappointment origi- 
nating in this ruin of his hopes was succeeded by another feeling; 
he recognised, in these baffled attempts, the workings of a superior 
power, admonishing him to abandon all idea of a restoration to 
the throne of England. New ideas and feelings awoke in his heart; 
his dreams of ambition and revenge were succeeded by humilia- 
tion and penance ; he threw the helmet from his brow, and the 
mail from his breast, and went, a barefooted pilgrim, to the land 
of Palestine. During many years spent in this pious occupation, 
he subjected himself to the greatest privations and austerities. 
Warned by the approaching weakness of old age that his disso- 
lution was at hand, he yielded to the desire which now haunted 
him of dying in the island which gave him birth. He landed at 
Dover; he climbed the lofty cliff; and again he saw the land 
which was once his own. Our legend does not expatiate upon the 
feelings which must have swelled within his breast as he gazed : we 
are told, however, that they were checked and subdued by the pre- 
dominating influence of religion, which had taught him to under- 



APPENDIX. 305 

stand the relative happiness of his former and his present condi- 
tion. Having assumed the name of Christian, and concealed his 
scarred features beneath a cowl, he journeyed through Kent, and 
arrived at a secluded spot in Shropshire, which the legend names 
Ceswrthin. If ere he constructed himself a cell, in which he re- 
mained ten years ; but at length he was compelled to seek some 
other abode ; ' not/ says the legend, ' because he shrank from 
enduring the annoyances to which the Welsh frequently exposed 
him by beating him and stealing his clothes, but because he 
wished to devote the remainder of his existence to undisturbed 
meditation and prayer.' He left this cell without any definite 
idea as to his future residence ; but haviug wandered to Chester, 
he there received a supernatural intimation that he would find a 
dwelling prepared for him in the chapel of St. James, within the 
churchyard of St. John the Baptist, situated upon the banks of 
the river Dee, a little beyond the walls of that city. Upon arriv- 
ing at the spot thus pointed out, he found that a hermit, the late 
tenant of the cell, had recently expired, and he gladly took pos- 
session of the new residence thus provided for him. During the 
space of seven years which he spent in Chester, circumstances 
occurred which originated and gradually strengthened into cer- 
tainty the suspicion that this recluse was a Saxon chief of former 
importance, if not Harold himself. When questioned as to his 
name and origin, he returned evasive answers, but never a direct 
negative to those who asserted that he was once the king of En- 
gland. He admitted that he had been present at the battle of 
Hastings ; and that no one was nearer or dearer to Harold the 
king than was Christian the hermit. But the approach of death 
revealed the secret, and converted doubt into certainty; for he ac- 
knowledged in his last confession that he was indeed the last 
Saxon king of England." 



INDEX. 



Abevile, 79 

Abevile, Enguerran count of, 44 
Abevile, Eustace de, 214 
Abbey of Battel, 131, 143,269 
Acelin, the son of Arthur, 280 
Adelidis, wife of Enguerran, 45, 
103; wife of Odo, 45, 103, 210 
Adda, William's daughter, 83, 85 
Adela, wife of Baldwin, 62, 64 
Aeliz, Richard's daughter, 9 
Aimeri, — see Toarz. 
Aigle, Enguerran de 1', 218 
Alain Fergant, 118, 171, 245 
Albini, Roger de, 157 
Albini, Ni<Jel de, 157 
Albini, Will, de, 11, 30, 220, 236 
Aldred, Archbishop, 267 
Alemaigne, near Caen, 28 
Alencon, 58 

Alfred, son of Emma, 33, 35, 160 
Alne, the river, 80 
Alnei, sire de, 242 
Alnou, sire de, 213, 240, 242,301 
Aired, king of England, 33 
Amand, St. cry of, 22, 25 
Amineiz, 48 
Aneto, Fulk de, 213 
Anisie, the young men of, 211 
Annebaut, the lord of, 239 
Apostle, the, (Pope) releases Ed- 
ward's vow, 70 ; sends gonfa- 
non, 115, 293 ; English gon- 
fanon sent to, 177 
Arches, William of, 41 ; town 

and fort, 42, 289 
Archers, the Norman, landing, 

127 ; shoot upwards, 197 
Argences, 18, 19 
Argenloen, young men of, 211 
Arlot of Falsise, 6 
Armour, iron, of horses, 162 
Arques, — see Arches. 
Asnebec, lord of, 239 



Asnieres, Gilbert de, 232 
Atheling, Edgar, 265 
Aubin, St. battle near, 43 
Aubemare, sire de, 211 
Aubignie, the butler d', 219 
Auge, 17, 49, 50 
Aumale, site de, 211 
Auvilev, si.e de, 239 
Avenel des Bian;, 219, 226 
Avranches, 49 
Avrencin, Richard d', 219 

Bacon-Molei, 230, 242 

Bacquevile, Nicholas de, 229 

Baldwin of Flanders, 62, 64, 109, 
111 

Bans-le-Cunte, 45 

Barbeflo, 34 

Bardolf, Hue, 44 

Baron, English, warns William, 
135 

Basquevile, Martels de, 228 

Basteborc, 61 

Bat (Bath), 174 

Battel Abbey, 143 ; chronicle, 
131 ; founded, 269 

Bavent, 59 

Baveux, 45, 59 ; prebends of, 5, 
30 ; Harold's oath at, 83 ; bi- 
shop of, 159, 194, 278 

Beaumont-le-Roger, 102, 205 

Bec-en-Caux, 170, 244 

Bec-Crespin family, 209, 300 

Bed and Bedefort, 174 

Belfou, Robert sire de, 213 

Belmont, 48 

Belmont, Roger de, counsels 

William, 102 ; at Hastings, 

205, 215; Robert de, 206,294 

Belhmcombre, barony of Warren, 

217 
Belrem, Harold taken to, 80 
Belveisin, 48, 109 



308 



INDEX. 



Berangier, fords of, 19 
Berenton, fountain of, 1 18 
Berri, 49 

Bertram, Robert, the tort, 226 
Bertran, Fitz de Peleit, 118 
Bessin, 13, 27, 58, 207 
Bessin, Renoulf, viscount of, 9, 

26, 207 
Biarz, sire de, 219, 226 
Bienfaite, Richard de, 232 
Bigoz, the Normans called, 47 
Bigot, comes Hugo, 1 69 
Bigot, ancestor of Hueli, 235 
Bigot, signet of, 235 
Blois, 48 

Bodeham (Bosham), 78 
Boilogne, 171 
Bokinkeham, 174 
Bohun, Onfrei de, 217 
Bolbec, Hue de, 232 
Bolbec, Osbern de, 169 
Bologne, Eustace de, 171,214 
Bonnesboz, sire de, 232 
Boorges, 49 
Borbillon, mills of, 28 
Botevilain, lord of, 237 
Brai, the men of, v, 218 
Brecheliant, forest of, 118, 295 
Brehal, men of, 227 
Bretons, 171,225,245 
Breteuil, William de, 95,101,105, 

162, 171, 233 
Breteuil, archers of, 227 
Bricun, St. feast of, 160 
Bricasart, Renouf de, 9, 26,207, 

218 
Brichesire, 174 
Brictricb Man, 64 
Brie, 48 

Bridge of Varavile, 60 
Bridge of London, 255 
Briencort, sire de, 241 
Brionne, 10,28,209,232 
Briquebec castle, 227 
Brittany, Harold taken to, 83 
Brius, the men of, 227 
Bruce, family of, 227 
Brucort, lord of, 241,302 
Buckenham, barony of, 221,229 
Burguigne, Gny of, 9, 29 



Butlerv, grand serjeantrvby,221 
Byls, Saxon, 175, 201 

Caborc, 61 

Caen, 18, 45, 64, 211; abbeys 

at, 64, 280 ; William buried 

a^, 230 ; unfortified, 59 
Cahagnes, lord of, 232 
Caillie, lord of, 229, 230 
Canterbury, 174; archbishop of, 

76, 264; submission of, 264 
Cantilena Rollandi, 189 
Carmen de bello Hastingensi, 

44, 132, 189 
Cartrai Onfrei de, 217 
Cauchois, 17 
Caudebec, 45 

Caux, 48, 49 ; knights of, 238 
Cemeteries, refuge in, 132 
Centumvillis, Osmund de, 213 
Cbaignes, lord of, 232 
Cbanon, Bigot's lands at, 234 
Chartrain, 49 
Chasteillun, 49 
Chastel-Landun, 49 
Cbatz, Ilbert de, 216 
Chief de Faucon, 27 
Cingueleiz, 18, 223 
Cingueleiz, Raol Tesson de, 19, 

223 
Cintheaux, lord of, 230 
Clare, Richard of, 233 
Clement, fords of St. 12, 45 
Cognizances at Valesdunes, vii, 

22; at Hastings, 172 
Columbieres, William de, 232 
Combrai, sire de, 242 
Comet, 115,293 
Communes, 19 
Conches, Raol de, 168 
Constance of France, 62, 64 
Constable of France, 48 
Cotentin, the, 12,23, 49 ; barons 

of, 207 
Couci, sire de, 218 
Council, William's, at Caen, 65 ; 
at Bayeux, 83 ; at UHebanne, 
104, 292; at London, 267 
Council of the English, as to Wil- 
liam's overtures, 151 



NDI'.X. 



309 



Council at London, to elect Wil- 
liam, 267 

Coutances cathedral, 157 ; bishop 
of, 157, 208 

Courcelles, fief of, 230 

Courcy, sire de, 222 ; seneschal 
de, 230 

Crespin, William, at Mortemer, 
49 ; at Hastings, 214 

Crespin, Gilbert!" 11, 49, 209 

Crespin, Milo, 231, 300 

Crespin family, 170 

Crespin pedigree, 209, 300 

Crievecoeur, sire de, 241 

Cross on Norman standard, 302 

Daubigny, — see Albini. 
Decimation of Alfred's troops, 

35, 161 
De la Mare, sire, 212 
D'Eu, Rob. count, 49, 101, 246 
Dex-aie, 22, 200 
Dinan, sire de, 118 
Diviner, fate of the, 128 
Dives, river, 60 
D'Oilie, lord, 231 
Domesday book, 285 
Dorset, 174 

Dover, 34 ; siege of, 262 
Draschiers, 47 
Driencort, sire de, 241, 302 
Drogo de Bevrere, 113 

Eaulne, river, 80 

Ecouis, 54 

Eddeva pulchra, 258 

Edgar Atheling, 265 

Edif, Edward's Queen, 37, 76 

Edmund, St.. (Bury), 72, 174, 246 

Edward Confessor chosen king, 
37 ; visited by William, 66 ; 
banishes Godwin, 67 ; restores 
Westminster, 68 ; gives his 
kingdom, 72, 89 ; death of, 94 ; 
his laws adopted, 268 

Ele, William's daughter, 83, 85 

Ely, isle of, 35, 160 

Embassies between Harold and 
William, 136, 149 

Emma, wife of Aired, 33, 37 



Enarmes, 202 

English army, 173, 184; their 

armour, 176 ; revelry, 156 ; 

defeated, 254 
Enguerran of Ponthieu, 44, 103 
Entre-sains, vii, 22, 172 
Epinay, sire de, 222, 301 
Escus for esterlins, 139 
Espine, sire de, 222, 301 
Escpuai, 25 
Essex, 174, 250 
Estampes, 49 
Estotevile, sire de, 214 
Eu, Robert count of, 49, 101, 

246 
Eudo, dapifer, 13, 29, 103, 235 
Eudo cum capello, 103,212, 235, 

237 
Eurowic (York), 136, 174 
Eustace of Bologne, 193, 205, 

214, 295 
Eustace of Abeville, 214 
Evreux, 17, 50 
Evreux, William son of the count 

of, 205 
Eye, Malet's castle at, 206 
Excommunication of the English, 

151 

Fairies of Brittany, 118 
Falaise, 10,24,211 
Fall, William's, at landing, 130 
Feast, William's, at landing, 128 
Felgieres, Lord of, 208 
Fergant, Alan, 1 18, 171, 245 
Ferrieres, Walkelin de, 8 
Ferrieres, Hen. sire de, 208 
Ferte, sire de la, 236 
Fescamp, 137, 244 
Fitz-Bertran de Peleit, 118 
Fitz-Erneis, Robert 239 
Fitz-Grip, Hugh, 229 
Fitz-Gilbert, Richard, 232 
Fitz-Gilbert, Baldwin, 242 
Fitz-Hamon, Robert, 24, 241 
Fitz-Osbern, William, consoles 
the duke, 95 ; counsels him, 
101 ; manages the barons, 105; 
urges to fight, 1 62 ; leads a 
division, 171, 216, 295 



310 



I N D It. X , 



Fitz-Rou,Turstin, bears the gon- 
fanon, 170,209,244 

Flanders, 48 ; aid from, 111 

Flanders, count of, 62, 64 ; re- 
fuses aid, 111 ; accused by 
Harold, 184 

Fleet, the Norman, 108, 120, 
130 

Folpendant, 14,289 

Fontenay, 28 

Fontenay, sire de, 223, 242 

Fort, built before Arques, 42 ; 
built on William's landing, 128; 
at Dover, 262 

Fosse, the, which embarrassed 
the Norman army, 193 

France, Henrv, king of, at Val- 
desdunes, 17 ; at Arques, 43 ; 
at Mortemer, 47 ; at Vara- 
ville, 57 ; his death, 62 

France, Philip, king of, 62 ; re- 
fusal to assist William, 109 ; 
demands service for England, 
269 ; jokes on William, 271 

French soldier's exploit, 20 L 

Gael, Raol de, 225 

Galeri, St. sire de, 246 

Gant, Gilbert de, 113 

Garenes, Will. — see W r arren. 

Gascie, lord of, 231 

Gedeford, (Guildford), 35, 160 

Germer, St., 109 

Gervais, St., 30 ; William dies 
at, 273 

Gherbod of Chester, 113 

Ghita, Harold's mother, 75, 258 

Giflart, Walter, at Mortemer, 49 ; 
counsels William, 101 ; brings 
horse from Spnin, 167 ; refuses 
gonfanon, 169 ; lord of Bol- 
bec, 232 ; remonstrates against 
supping, &c.on field, 256, 295 

Gisarmes, 174, 184 

Gite, Harold's mother, 75, 258 

Gloz,sire de, 232,301 ; William 
and Barnon de, 233 

Godemite, English cry, 184 

Godwin, account of, 34 ; his 
treason, 35, 160; banished, 



67 ; gives pledges, and dies 
choked, 68 

Golet, the fool, 10, 29 

Gonfanons at Valdesdunes, vii, 
21, 302, 

Gonfancn, Nonnaa, under duke 
Richard I. 332 

Gonfanon sent by the Pope, 115 ; 
borne by Turstin Fitz-Rou, 
170, 244. 251 ; Harold's, 145, 
177, 252, 254, 256, 302 

Gornai, Hue de, at Mortemer, 
49 ; at Hastings with his men 
of Brai, v, 217 ; at King Pe- 
pin's court, 218 ; Gornai arms, 
v, vii 

Goviz, lord of, 230 

Grente-mesnil, vassal from, 216 

Grez, 49 

Grimoult del Plesseiz revolts, 
10 ; death, lands given to the 
church of Bayeux ; sister mar- 
ried to W r illiam de Albini, 30, 
220 

Gueldons, 168, 172, 176 

Guildford, 35, 160 

Gurth,35, 177, 181, 184 ; advice 
to Harold, 142 ; breaks off ne- 
gotiation, 153 ; reconnoitring, 
144; is killed, 252 

Guy the Burgundian revolts, 10 ; 
besieged, 29 

Guy, the bishop's poem, 44, 132, 
189 

Guy, count of Ponthieu, 44, 48, 
53 ; takes Harold, 79 

Haie-du-puits, family, 103, 212, 

235; honor of, 236 
Hamon-as-dens, revolts, 10 ; 

killed, 25 
Hamo dapifer, 241 
Hantone (Southampton), 34 
Harcourt, sire de, 241 
Harde, the knight, 26 
Hardekanut, 33, 37 
Harold, journey and capture, 75 ; 

knighted by William, 237 ; 

oath, 83, 290 ; asks tbe noun, 

89 ; crowned, 98 ; conquers 



INDEX, 



311 



Tosti, 135 ; meets barons in 
London, 136 ; rejects Gurth's 
advice, 142 ; reconnoitres, 144, 
298 ; rejects William's offers, 
153 ; estimate of bis army, 1 75 ; 
wounded, 198; lolled, 252; 
buried at Waltham, 259 ; le- 
gend of bis life, 259, 298, 303 
Hastings, 124, 127, 135, 261 ; 

devastations round, 262 
Hatchets, Danish, 184,200 
Hauberk, William's, reversed, 162 
Henry, tbe tbree kings and 

dukes, 5 
Henry, king of France — see 

France. 
Herecoit, sire de, 241 
Herfort, 174 
Herluin, 102, 159 
Herout, son of Kenut, 34, 37 
Hornet, tbe men and lord cf, 227 
Hontesire (Hampshire), 174 
Horse, iron armour of, 162 
Household omcers of the Norman 

dukes, &0. Do 
Hubert de Bie, £ ves William, 

13; bisf ^il", 13 
HughLvpu^lO, i?5 
Hugh Fitz-Grr?, or of V/areham, 

229 
Humber, 134, 174 
Huon, father of Salic, 30 

Ingulf, 37 

Iwun al Chapel, 102 

Jago, St., 167 

Jeffry, son of Rotro, 205, 216 
Jeffery of Maine, 216 
Jehan, men of St. 227, 236 
Jort, sire de, 222 

Karlemaine, song of, 189 
Kent, 174; the men of, 250; 

their rights, 177 
Kenut, 33 
Knigbt, Englisb, carrying news 

to Harold, 133 

Lacie, sire de, 220 ; a knight of, 
231 



L'Aigle, Enguerran de, 218 

Laison, river, 18 

Lande, William Patric de la, 237 

Lamare, sire de, 212 

Landing of William in England, 

128 
Laws of the Confessor, 268 
Leicester, Rob. earl of, 102,206 
Leun, 48 
Lewine (Leofwin), Harold's 

brother, 145, 177 
Lievin, 17, 49 
Lillebonne, meeting at, 105 
Lincoln, earl of, 211 
Lindesie, 174 
Lithaire, sire de, 212, 220 
Logas, Bigot's lands at, 234 
London, 70, 174, 182, 266; 

bridge broken, 255 ; Harold's 

meeting held there, 136, 141 ; 

rights of the men of, 177 ; 

attack upon, 265 
Longueville, — see Giffart. 
Longue-espee, William, 5 

Magnevile, sire de, 214 

Mahelt, William's queen, 64, 110, 
123 

Maine, 171, 217; Jeffery de, 217 

Malet, William, 206, 258, 302 

Malet, Vauquelin and William, 
210 

Malevrier, family of, 232 

Malfossed, at Hastings, 193 

Maltot, Bigot lands at, 234 

Mans, bishop of, 108 

Mantes, burning of, 272 ; Wil- 
liam's accident at, 272 

Mare, sire de la, 212 

Mareschal family, 209 

Marmion, Roger de, 223, 242 

Margot, Huon, 137 

Martin, sire de St., 214 

Martel, lord of Basquevile, 229 

Martel, Giffrei, 56, 57 

Martel, William, 215 

Matilda, William's queen, 64, 
110, 123 

Matoen, 24,211 

Maugier, 217 



312 



NDEX. 



Meaine, Giffrei de, 217 

Meance, 18 

Mellant, 48 ; lineage of, 208 

Meules, Baldwin de, 222 

Mezi, 25 

Mezodon, 18 

Mitford and Bertram, 227 

Moion, William de, 223 

Molei, Bacon, 230, 242 

Molins, dam William des, 215 

Monceals, lord of, 230 

Monfichet, sire de, 233 

Mont fort, Hugh de, 8 ; sire de, 
207, 222 

Montlheri, 49 

Montjoie, cry of, 22 

Montgomeri, Roger de, counsels 
William, 101 ; leads at Hast- 
ings, 171,246; kills English 
knight, 201 

Mora, William's ship, 123 

Moretoin, 49 ; Robert, count of, 
counsels William, 101 ; at 
Hastings, 241 

Mortem er, ha! tie of, 47, 50 

Mortemer, Roger de, 49 

Mortemer-en-Lkms, 54' 

Mortemer, Hue de, 169, 239 

Mortemer, Half de, 238 

Mostiers-Hubert, lord of, 226 

Moubrai, Giffrei de, 157, 208; 
lord of, 236 

Muriel, wife of Eudo cum ca- 
pello, 102, 237 

Muriel sanctimouialis, 103 

Neel de Cotentin, or de St. Sau- 
veur, revolts, 9, 27 ; at Hast- 
ings, 207, 225 ; his htm, 212 

Nebou, sire de, 212 

Neufchalel, 241 

Nichole, (Lincoln), 174 

Noions, 48 

Norfolk, 174; two Ralfs, earls 
of, 226 

Norwich, 174 

Norman army compared with 
English, 175, 181 ; three com- 
panies, 186 ; stratagem at 
Hastings, 199 



Normans, shaved and mistaken 
for priests, 147 ; William's 
character of, 274 

Notinkeham, 174 

Oain, St. (St. Ouen), reliques of, 

65 ; chapel of, 66 
Odo, bishop of Ba) r eux, counsels 

William, 101 ; his aid, 108 ; 

rallies the troops, 194 ; sister 

of, 237 ; imprisoned, 278 
Odo of Champagne, 210 
Odo, brother of king of France, 

48,53 
Oil de boeuf, 85 
Oismeiz, 17, 18 
Olicrosse, 184 
Oliver, song of, 189 
Onebac, sire de, 239 
Orbec, dam Richard de, 232 
Origni, sire de, 236 
Orleans, 48 

Orval, the men of, 212, 227 
Osbernus Episcopus, 98 
Osgne, 28, 59 

Ou, castle and river, 64, 127 
Ou, count d', 49, 101,246 

Pacie, sire de, 230 

Paienals (Pajrenal) des Mostiers- 

Hubert, 226 
Park, the duke's, at Rouen, 94 
Perche, 49 

Peter, St. his tooth or hair, 115 
Pevensey, 123, 131 
Picot de Saie, 236 
Pierre, St. sur-Dives, 58 
Pins, sire des, 215, 233 
Pinceraa, Albini, 220, 236 
Pirou, knight of, 212 
Plessis, Grimoult du, 11, 30 
Plessis, in the Cotentin, 11 
Poitevins, 171 
Poix, 171 
Pont-Audemer, 45 
Pontfract, 136 
Ponthieu, 48,78, 117,238; En- 

guervan de, 44, 103 ; Guy de, 

44, 48, 53, 79 
Port, sin- de, H2 



INDEX. 



313 



Praels, the lord of, 230 

Praeres, lord of, 231 

Pratis, Fulk de, 208 

Preaux, lord of, 229 

Prebends of Bayeux, 5 

Presles, lord of, 231 

Priests, Norman, their position 

during the battle, 183 
Provens, 48 

Quevilly, the park of, 94 

Raol de Gael, 118, 225 

Raol de Conches, 168 

Raol de Montdidier, 49 

Raol Tesson at Valdesdunes, 19, 

50 ; at Hastings, 223, 239 
Raol, son of Main, 208 
Rebercil, sire de, 242 
Reliques brought to Caen, 65 ; 

to swear Harold, 85 ; of St. 

Valery, 120 
Renouf de Bessin, or Briquesart, 

9, 16, 207 
Renchevalles (Roncesvalles),189 
Reviers, sire de, 222 
Richard I. duke, 5 ; his standard, 

303 
Richard II. duke, 5 ; grand 

council, 243 
Richmond, honor of, 244 
Rie, Hubert de, 13 
Risle, river, 28 
Robert, duke, 6 
Rollo, 5 

Rollo and Rognevald, 189 
Rollant, the song of, 189 
Rollant and Oliver, 189, 257 
Romare, dam Will, de, 211, 300 
Rome, 68 

Romenel (Romney), 262 
Rouen and Roumeiz, 17, 49, 94, 

271 
Rubercy, sire de, 242 

Sacie, lord of, 231 
Saens, St., 228 
Saie, lord of, 236 
Saint-cler, sire de, 239 
Sainte-paix, church of, 66 
Sainteals, lord of, 230 



Saint-Jean, men of, 227, 236 

Saire, St. (Salvius), 228 

Salle, knight called, 30 

Salebierre, 174 

Sanzaver,208 

Sap, sire de, 232, 301 

Sauveur, JVeel de St. 27, 207, 
228 

Saxon— carousals, 156 ; armour, 
175, 176; entrenchment, 176 

Saxon chronicle, its character of 
William, 283 

Seizin of England given William 
on landing, 101 

Seine, 48 

Semillie, lord of, 207, 223 

Senlac, battle of. 178 

Senz, 49 

Serlon the poet, 103 

Seule, 59 

Sever, St., cry of, 22 ; lord of, 
207, 229 

Shields variously painted, vii ; 
worn at Valdesdunes, 22 

Ship, description of William's, 
123 

Ships furnished bv the barons, 
108 ; Taylor's 'list of, 108, 
123 ; Wace's further account 
of, 120 ; dismantled at Hast- 
ings, 131 

Shrine of St. Valery, 120 

Sinclair family, 239 

Soissons, 48 

Solignie, sire de, 219, 231 

Somme, river, 117 

Soules, (sole) the men of, 227 

Spain, king of— sends horse to 
William, 168 

Spies' report to Harold, 147 

Stamford, 174 

Standard, — see gonfanon. 

Stephen, St. abbey at Caen, 64 

Stii>and, archbishop, 264, 266 

Suffolk, 174 

Summerset, 174 

Surrie, 174 

Sussex, 174 

Taillefer's exploits, 189, 299 
Taillou, 41 



314 



INDEX. 



Tancharville, chamberlain of, 

213, 301 
Tateshall, Sir Robert, 229, 301 
Taylor's MS. list of Norman 

ships, 108, 123 
Tesson, Raol, 19, 50, 223, 239 
Tesson, Jourdain, 208 
Thames, 71, 266 
Thorigny, 10, 22, 25 
Thorn-ei (Westminster), 71 
Tillieres, the holder of, 208 
Toarz, viscount of, 118, 167, 171, 

218, 295 
Tony, Raol de, 168 
Torneor, lord of, 231 
Tornieres, de, 232 
Toroigne, 48 

Tosti, 35; killed, 134, 174, 296 
Tostein, Fitz Rou, 170, 244 
Touke, sire de, 212 
Toz-Sainz, church of, 66 
Tracie, sire de, 220 
Tregoz, lord of, 232 
Trinity abbey at Caen, 64 
Trossebot, lord of, 237 
Truce of God, 65 
Tur-aie, cry of, 21 
Turstain-Goz, 244 
Turstain Halduc, 103, 235 
Turstain Fitz Rou, 170, 244 

Urinic, lord of, 23 

Vaacie, lord of, 231 
Val de Saire, sire de, 220 
Val deroil (Vaudreuil), 226 
Valeran, brother of Guy of Pon- 

thieu, 53 
Valeri, St. meeting at, 117 ; re- 

liques of, 120 ; sire de, 246 
Valdesdunes, battle of, 18 
Valmerei, St. Bricun de, 19 
Valognes, William's flight from, 

11, 29 ; journey from to Ar- 

ques, 44 



Varaville, rout of, 59, 289 
Varham (for Waltham), 259 
Varemna, river, 217 
Varenne, hamlet of, 217 
Vastineiz, 48 
Velquesin, 49 
Vernon, 10, 29, 212, 213 
Vermandeiz, 48 
Vez-pont William de, 207 
Vihot, Vigot, &c, 235 
Yimou, 101, 117 
Vire, the fords of, 13, 45 
Vitrie, lord of, 220, 236, 301 
Vortigern and Rowena, 156 
Vow of the Normans before the 
battle, 157 

Wac, Hugh, 242 ; Jeffry, 244 

Wace, his prologue and history, 
4 ; his father's account of the 
ships, 120 ; information as to 
the comet, 115 ; fairy hunting 
in Brittany, 119 ; testimony as 
to comparative strength of the 
armies, 175 

Walkelin de Ferrieres, 8 

Wallingford, 266 

Waltham abbey, 259, 298, 303 

Walther von der Vogelweide, 4 

Walter Flandrensis, 113 

Warren, William, 217, 238, 243, 
295 

Wassail, 156 

Westminster abbey restored, 70 ; 
William's charter to, 71 ; its 
organ, 289 

Wibetes, 198 

Wiestace d'Abeville, 214 

William the duke, passim — see 
table of contents. 

Wincaatj 34 

Winchester, 33, 174, 182 

Worcester, 174 

Wisnit'is, 50 



FINIS. 



C. WHITTINOHAM, TOOKS COURT, CUANCBR1 L&NB. 



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